Housing insecurity and hidden homelessness: research

8 Barriers to approaching local authority homelessness services for assistance

8.1 Introduction

This chapter explores the barriers people face when seeking assistance to secure stable housing, specifically when those barriers result in hidden homelessness. The findings in this chapter are informed by interviews with people with lived experience, third sector participants, and local authority homelessness services.

The COM-B framework is a framework that draws on behavioural theory and can be used as an analytical tool to help understand the factors that may have influenced people’s ability or willingness to undertake a behaviour. In this study, the behaviour in question is accessing homelessness support from local authorities and no longer being ‘hidden’ in the Scottish context.

The barriers discussed in this chapter are drawn from all interview types in which participants discussed what prevented people experiencing hidden homelessness from seeking support. The barriers are presented thematically and categorised according to COM-B behavioural influencing factors. This approach first examines the key barriers related to capability, followed by a detailed exploration of the main barriers associated with motivation and opportunity.

It is important to note the interconnected and overlapping nature of these themes in relation to seeking assistance: any one theme may straddle more than one of these categories of barrier type, but they have been presented according to what appears to be the most likely barrier type or factor. While all three factors can influence behaviour, the COM-B framework highlights that factors related to capability and opportunity may influence motivation, and factors of motivation may in turn influence capability.

8.2 Barriers relating to capability

This section outlines factors related to ‘the individual’s psychological and physical capacity to engage in the activity concerned’ (Scottish Government, 2013) that can prevent those experiencing hidden homelessness from approaching local authorities for assistance. There are two ‘mechanisms’ within this category that might undermine individual capability. Firstly, there is physical capability, which is whether people have the physical strength, skills or stamina to perform the behaviour. Secondly, there is psychological capability, which is whether people have the knowledge, awareness, memory or reasoning to carry out the behaviour.

8.2.1 Awareness about being in housing crisis

Some people do not realise they are experiencing homelessness because they associate it only with more visible forms such as rough sleeping. There can be a misconception that homelessness services are solely for those sleeping rough.

Some third sector and lived experience participants mentioned that the lack of awareness of being in housing crisis is particularly prevalent amongst those who sofa surf or who live in overcrowded conditions. These people did not view themselves as homeless because they had a roof over their heads, despite their living situation being unsuitable. Although this is evidently a barrier of psychological capability, it is also a barrier driven by physical opportunity in that these individuals may not have had access to accurate information about what constitutes homelessness. It is also driven by social opportunity as it also reflects dominant cultural norms about what constitutes ‘homelessness’.

Relatedly, participants also suggested that even they were aware that their housing situation required intervention, sofa surfing and living in overcrowded households were sometimes viewed as acceptable in comparison to ‘worse’ circumstances of homelessness, such as rough sleeping. By viewing their current arrangement as comparatively better, they sometimes delayed seeking assistance from local authorities. One third sector participant shared their experiences of young people who are unaware of their homelessness:

“There are a lot of young people who don't realise or don't view themselves as homeless. They're in, [or] they might be in, a precarious family situation. [It] might be overcrowded, [they] might even be experiencing levels of abuse and neglect. However, they don't at a younger age, that sort of perceptions and ideas of homelessness, they don't relate. People can't relate that to being homeless. I think there's a … the general perception – public perception – is that that obviously that the homeless person is the person, somebody sitting on the street, being roofless.”

This resonated with one LGBTI participant, who had sofa surfed and stayed in a cupboard while being a student. They shared:

“I had no idea that I was homeless, at any point in that situation. Or the only housing support that I would ever have considered getting was [support dealing with] problematic landlords. If you were already in housing, and you weren't getting repairs done or they were trying to keep a deposit from you, which probably is a byproduct of being a student, but that's the only housing support I would have ever thought of getting. So, in terms of homelessness support, unless I was out on the streets, I would never have even thought there would even be support there for that situation because as far as I was concerned, I had a roof over my head. I had people around me.”

Hidden homelessness, when normalised, can take different forms among different groups. For example, third sector participants mentioned that students and young people would describe how they simply stayed with different friends to avoid rough sleeping and presenting at homelessness services.

8.2.2 Prioritisation of non-housing needs

Some people experiencing hidden homelessness were forced to prioritise other needs before having the physical or psychological capability or capacity to tackle their living situation, especially if they faced complex challenges.

Experiences of trauma, mental health issues, or substance use led some people to deprioritise their living conditions.

8.2.2.1 Those affected by substance use

People with lived experience and some third sector participants agreed that substance use could act as a barrier to approaching services. Participants with lived experience who had been affected by substance use shared that they were often not ready to seek assistance until they addressed their addiction. One person who had been sofa surfing with family discussed:

“My addiction had to be treated first, so I was going through different processes and staying with my family member and knowing that I needed to get out. I needed my own space, but there was a practical side for me, in terms of not being maybe quite well enough or able or feeling strong enough to give up alcohol when that’s [what] was creating a lot of the problems.”

One participant, with a history of substance use and childhood trauma, described how these experiences influenced one another and led to poor mental health, low self-esteem and a lack of confidence. They explained how they used substances as a coping mechanism to mask their feelings and this meant that their housing problems remained unaddressed.

8.2.2.2 Trauma

This research finds that experiences of trauma can influence whether an individual approaches their local authority for homelessness assistance. Several third sector participants reflected that some people experiencing hidden homelessness needed support to cope with their trauma – and this could either be pre-existing trauma or trauma resulting from homelessness. Otherwise, they were unlikely to engage with homelessness services, when needed. Additionally, some people who initially approached services might withdraw due to their trauma and fail to re-engage.

Some participants with lived experience described the way that these barriers related to trauma could be compounded by others, such as where adverse childhood experiences influenced their decisions related to hidden homelessness and ability to advocate for themselves. For example, some people with lived experience described growing up in chaotic situations which involved substance use, violence and relationship breakdown. One lived experience participant described how his trauma and experiences of substance use influenced how he viewed his own capabilities:

“I think there was just a lot of instability and this kind of went back [to] my teen years where I was staying with my mum and her partner, but she wasn’t supposed to be staying there, it was quite complicated. There was some sort of fraud that was happening, so when I was living there, then when I left school and started taking a job, I wasn’t allowed to use that address even though I was staying there because I wasn’t supposed to be there... from that early age, you know just being in places where you kind of, you knew you weren’t supposed to be because it’d actually be a crime and there’s just been a lot of instability in childhood, untreated mental health and trauma within the family about separations and how I dealt with certain things... I started to use drugs and cannabis but had [obtained] a job, I would get promotions, I started a law degree and amongst that I was struggling I suppose. I was struggling with really low self-esteem and confidence. I was using [drugs] to block out I suppose painful emotions, and I never really had anybody ... I think that does go to attachment issues, abandonment and I never really felt I was ever that grown-up or capable.”

8.2.3 Difficulty in advocating for oneself

Participant interviews illustrate that people experiencing hidden homelessness may struggle to advocate for themselves, making it challenging for them to approach their local authority for assistance. In this research, factors affecting people’s capability to self-advocate were connected to their mental health, their levels of confidence and skills, or insufficient aftercare from their local authority according to their needs.

Several third sector participants reported that people struggling with their mental health often found approaching homelessness services intimidating. They explained how some people would look for alternative, hidden circumstances instead of seeking support. As one third sector participant reflected, ‘the main [barrier] we've seen is mental health issues, people may be being paranoid and have a distrust of authority.’ Another third sector participant described that:

“A lot of people suffer from social anxiety in more extreme cases, paranoia and all that side of things...There are some people who live in that grey area of not being unwell enough to access hospitals but also not being well enough to be able to cope with their circumstances.”

Third sector participants indicated that a lack of confidence in literacy or language skills act as a barrier. One organisation highlighted the need for support systems to help people to build the confidence and skills required to access homelessness services effectively:

“Even though people are aware of available services, they may not have the confidence or ability to properly engage with them. It's about the person needing help but not having the skills to get that help.”

Several third sector participants and those with lived experience described how insufficient follow-up support was a barrier to some in approaching local authority homelessness services. A few people with lived experience highlighted that moving into stable housing can be daunting. Without follow-up support, they feared that they would not be able to maintain a property.

For example, one participant with lived experience reflected that they did not understand the financial burdens of maintaining a property, such as budgeting, council tax, and registering for utilities once they had moved into stable housing. Another participant with experience of substance use described why they declined a housing offer: ‘I've had an offer on that, but I didn't take that because I didn't think I would have got the support I needed...I can't enjoy it.’ One participant who did go on to approach the local authority for assistance noted that once they moved in, there was no aftercare to see how they were managing emotionally or practically. They further reflected that they felt like they were not able to feel at home in the accommodation and, because of the way they felt emotionally, they feared they could lose the property.

8.3 Barriers relating to motivation

This section outlines motivational barriers or “all those brain processes that energise and direct behaviour, not just goals and conscious decision making” (Scottish Government, 2013) that can prevent those experiencing hidden homelessness from approaching local authorities for help to find stable housing. There are two ‘mechanisms’ within this category that might undermine a person’s motivation. First, there is reflective motivation – which is whether people have the self-belief, identity and intention to be motivated to perform the behaviour. Second, there is automatic motivation, which is whether the person has the habits and reinforcements (such as rewards) to motivate them to undertake the behaviour.

Findings are drawn from interviews with people with lived experience, third sector participants, and people working in local authority homelessness services. Furthermore, some of the examples in this section are illustrative of why people may not seek support in a subsequent experience of homelessness, why they might not pursue an application, or why they might not want to seek support if they are aware of someone else having negative experiences of support.

8.3.1 Perceptions of the homelessness service

Negative perceptions of local authorities' homelessness services can be a barrier to people approaching those services for assistance. In this research, perceptions were often based on previous experiences with the homelessness service (either direct or second hand) or other forms of statutory service provision.

8.3.1.1 Perceptions of frontline staff and their ability to provide support

Several third sector and local authority participants highlighted that some people seeking assistance had negative perceptions of front-facing staff within local authority homelessness services, with staff occasionally being perceived as unable to provide a service which meets their needs or as being unhelpful or unwelcoming. They reported instances where frontline staff, including those in contact centres and receptionists, made them disinclined to seek assistance. For example, when frontline staff repeatedly asked individuals to confirm that they had no alternative accommodation, applicants reported feeling that they were not being listened to. One local authority participant described the interaction between people experiencing homelessness and frontline reception staff:

“I have heard a few people being almost deterred by reception, so it would kind of [be] classed as gatekeeping. Being told [by staff] or even by other customers in the reception area [that] there’s no point waiting here and you'll be waiting three years or something…People can almost be deterred, either subconsciously or consciously, from making a homeless application at that point.”

One lived experience participant, living in an overcrowded household, felt they did not receive sufficient support from the local authority to meet their needs. They described this lack of support as isolating. Another person with complex needs, living in unsuitable accommodation, echoed this sentiment and noted the absence of a consistent point of contact to answer questions about the application process. They continued:

“I had to find out a lot of information for myself which I think should have just been coming from these people [the local authority] voluntarily. But they don't, they will be withholding [information] and not tell me things.”

It was also suggested that dissatisfaction with the level of service provided may be a reflection of the lack of capacity within – and pressures faced by – frontline homelessness services. Indeed, a few third sector participants indicated that local authorities face high demand, often being overstretched and lacking the resources needed to support the volume of people in need. They described that this could sometimes result in some people being given information leaflets directing them to other organisations to seek their support during application rather than being guided through the process. Consequently, they reported that people who had approached the service may have felt that they were not being properly listened to.

8.3.1.2 Perceptions of the availability of suitable housing

Most third sector participants and those with lived experience identified a lack of housing stock as a barrier to people seeking assistance for – and being helped to resolve – their homelessness. They described this shortage as existing in both rural and urban areas. One organisation noted that ‘homelessness services [are] unable to meet demand [for housing] and [are] therefore creating barriers to people who should be accessing assistance.’ One lived experience participant described the difficulty of finding accommodation due to government cuts and increased homelessness:

“It just seems like so difficult to find accommodation now, and I don't know if it's just that the government has cut funding… for that sort of thing and that they're only able, [to] accommodate so many people, and there's a lot more homeless [people now].”

There were also instances where housing was available and offered to those in need. However, third sector and lived experience participants described the perceived suitability of housing offers as another barrier. For example, one participant from the Roma community described that young married couples often had three or four children. In this circumstance, the participant felt that members of the community would likely stay within the paternal family home as a concealed household due to what they perceived as a shortage of suitable accommodation for larger families.

A few third sector participants described how the suitability of housing offered to people who have made a homeless application has, in some cases, driven them to return to their previous hidden situation. One participant highlighted that young people were sometimes placed in temporary accommodation with older adults with more complex needs; a situation which could be intimidating, leading the young person to choose unsuitable arrangements over the temporary housing provided.

Some third sector participants noted that the location of the housing could be a barrier. Some people feared being placed far from their social and community networks, which may mean having to move their children to another school. This uncertainty deterred some from making a homelessness application, preferring to stay in their hidden situation to remain close to their existing networks.

8.3.1.3 Cultural considerations

Some third sector participants described how certain homelessness services were perceived to lack cultural competence, creating barriers for those seeking assistance. They noted that people experiencing hidden homelessness felt they would not receive appropriate support or housing from these services. This perception was sometimes based on personal experiences and other times on information shared within communities.

One third sector participant emphasised that the fear of being placed away from their networks deterred people from seeking homelessness assistance. A few third sector participants described this as particularly significant for those with English as a second language. In their experience, when housed away from their community, people faced unfamiliarity, struggled to integrate and found it difficult to access informal support networks.

Additionally, a few third sector participants stressed the importance of considering the dietary needs of some communities. For example, they highlighted the need for services to be mindful of housing with access to halal food shops for Muslim communities. They explained that if people do not have access to the food they need, they would struggle to settle in a property. There is a perception that local authorities do not consider cultural dietary needs, and this acts as a barrier to people seeking homelessness assistance.

There was a sense that if staff at local authority homelessness services were more informed about the needs of specific minority ethnic communities, more people would seek assistance. One third sector participant reflected on this:

“They [local authority homelessness services] might be a bit more empathetic, or understand situations are not as simple and clear cut. It takes a hell of a lot for a [minority ethnic] woman to get up and make that call or to approach us, or even to approach homelessness [services]. A lot of the time, doors are just slammed in their face, and there's just, like, they just go back, and they don't leave [their hidden situation].”

8.3.1.4 Fear of judgement and discrimination

Some third sector participants reported that when people did seek assistance, they felt judged or not taken seriously by local authority services. These experiences resulted in some people not wanting to seek assistance in a subsequent experience of homelessness. Additionally, third sector participants mentioned that some individuals felt they were being assessed on whether they were ‘homeless enough’ to meet the criteria for assistance:

“One of our young people that we were speaking to actually on Friday was talking a lot about stigma and how you present and whether you look like you're homeless enough for services and because they were quite well dressed, they felt they weren't getting taken seriously… Who are you? Are you homeless enough? There's a judgement around this… Homeless enough to meet the criteria.”

A few third sector participants said that some young people felt they were not believed by local authorities because their parents were unable or unwilling to verify their story.

Discrimination, including racism and ableism, was another barrier reducing people’s motivation to seek homelessness assistance. One participant with lived experience of homelessness^[15] and of black African heritage, described feeling overlooked and ignored. They believed their race was a contributing factor to their situation, and that preferential treatment was given to people from white communities. They said:

“If I was a white person, would I have been left in this precarious situation for all these years? One [starts to think] that it is a black thing...100% there’s a sense in which discrimination, racism seems to have a bigger hand in the way in which I have been treated.”

Additionally, some people’s internalised negative self-perceptions prevented them from accessing homelessness assistance, as they expected local authorities to share those perceptions. One lived experience participant from the Roma community reflected that some Roma people hold negative views of themselves due to the discrimination they face in wider society.

A few third sector participants recounted instances of women from minority ethnic backgrounds approaching local authority homelessness services and receiving a negative response. They described incidences of these women encountering racism and experiencing inappropriate language directed towards them. This influenced their decision to remain in a hidden situation.

A few third sector and lived experience participants also described ableism as a barrier for those at risk or experiencing hidden homelessness. One neurodivergent lived experience participant^[16] shared that they felt that there was ‘a lack of support and there’s a lot of institutionalised discrimination against disabled people – autistic, physical, mental health.’ They felt this way due to the way they were treated when accessing homelessness assistance. As another example of ableism from within the sample, another lived experience participant who was visually impaired felt that the homelessness system was inaccessible to them:

“I wasn't familiar with the system... What you do is [you take] a number and they shout your number, and you actually go to a particular desk so you can see for somebody who's registered blind, the whole system is completely inaccessible. So, I [found] somebody to go away to discuss [my homelessness circumstances] and they objected to a third person be[ing] there without a notification, and I explained to them [I’m blind]... It [was] just very, very messy…. I felt a bit insecure, a bit frightened.”

Several third sector and local authority participants described a perception that third sector participants are more reflective of the communities they serve and are potentially more supportive of their religious, cultural, or linguistic needs. Consequentially, they were described as having a better understanding of why people may want to remain hidden.

8.3.2 Mistrust

Some people with lived experience and a few third sector participants described mistrust as a barrier to approaching the local authority to secure stable housing. This mistrust was either in the homelessness service itself, the local authority, or wider authorities (as described in section 8.3.1). They explained how it can stem from the perception of being overlooked or abandoned by the local authority system or their community.

More details on stigma and the fear of being overlooked or abandoned by the community are provided in section 8.3.5. There is also a relationship between mistrust in different communities and misinformation, the latter of which is described in section 8.4.5.

Several third sector participants described how mistrust could be a longstanding issue with wider agencies. One organisation noted that mistrust could even date back to childhood. They explained, ‘… even going back to school if [people experiencing hidden homelessness had] a bad experience with professionals, then they're not [going to] be trusting and they’re [going to] be scared to approach people and tell their story.’ This example highlights how previous experiences can influence decision-making later in life.

A lived experience participant with a history of trauma described how, during a previous period of hidden homelessness, they were reluctant to re-tell their story to homelessness services after a negative experience with a wider agency. As a university student sofa surfing, they applied for funding for tuition fees, but this funding was linked to household income. They explained that they had used the details of a family member they often stayed with. Later, the Student Awards Agency Scotland (SAAS) queried this information. When attempting to explain, the participant recounted: ‘… and the person at SAAS said that I had been abandoned [by parents], and I hung up the phone and just thought, I can't deal with this.’ This experience created a barrier to the individual engaging with local authority homelessness services and other authorities.

8.3.3 Perceptions of the application process

Several third sector and lived experience participants described negative perceptions of the homelessness application process as a barrier to seeking assistance. Participants highlighted the challenges relating to the lengthy application process, its complexity, and a lack of knowledge about what to expect.

While there are national level requirements for homelessness application processes, they are often enacted differently across local areas. This may then result in variation of experiences for people experiencing or at risk of homelessness.

8.3.3.1 Perceptions of the length and speed of the process

Some third sector participants and lived experience participants described the lengthy application process as a deterrent. Many organisations noted that waiting over two years for stable accommodation was a barrier, and this was particularly pronounced for people with complex needs or those who had commitments such as education or work. For example, one lived experience participant, who had previously experienced hidden homelessness, contacted the local authority but felt their application was not progressing. They resorted to using an advance on their wages and borrowing money to secure a private rental rather than wait for support from the service.

Additionally, some local authority participants described how they had a lack of capacity to process homelessness applications, created barriers that lead to a motivational barrier as this perpetuated the perception that the process would take a long time. However, some local authority participants reflected that raising awareness of available upstream support could lead to earlier prevention of homelessness and might offset potential demand for downstream services.

Section 8.2.3 highlighted mental health as a barrier to seeking homelessness support. Relatedly, one lived experience participant described how their anxiety worsened during the lengthy application process. They felt they were not making progress in securing stable accommodation. A male participant, a prison leaver with anxiety, shared their daily experience of attending homelessness services:

“I’m not coming here every day when I’m still going to be in the same predicament tomorrow. The day after that, whether I come here or not, the situation is still going to be the exact same. The only difference [to] me coming here is taking three to four hours [out of] my day…. Standing here for nothing for absolutely [no] reason whatsoever.”

8.3.3.2 Perceptions of the complexity of process

A few third sector and lived experience participants found the homelessness application process complex. One third sector participant described how they felt that the complexity of the application process led people to seek third sector support for their applications. They also noted that local authorities within Scotland used different systems which made it more complicated for them to help people complete their applications. They also described how the complexity of the process led to mistrust in the service:

“It's no longer the case that you can pick up a phone and speak to somebody directly. You have to go through an online form or you have to go through various hoops. If you're sofa surfing and you don't have money to put on your phone to then phone back somebody, and that person doesn't phone you, you very quickly are going to lose trust in services.”

Several organisations noted that experiencing hidden homelessness made the process complicated due to unclear communication about rights and entitlements and a lack of good quality information (which is discussed in section 8.4.5). It was reflected that without awareness of their rights, some people became discouraged and stopped the application process.

8.3.3.3 Perceptions of the clarity of the process

Some third sector participants described that not knowing what to expect from the application process was a barrier and that this lack of clarity leaves people unsure of what they need to do. One organisation noted that approaching the service could be intimidating, while some people with lived experience felt fear at the prospect of attending homelessness services as they did not know what to expect.

Several third sector participants and those with lived experience highlighted a lack of clear communication regarding the steps involved in the application process, which acted as a barrier to progressing with a homelessness application. The uncertainty and lack of information led to disengagement from the process.

8.3.4 Fear of repercussions from approaching services

A few third sector participants and lived experience participants described the fear of implicating people in their social or family networks—or even themselves—in legal or financial trouble by approaching the local authority. This fear was related to various circumstances including finances, their immigration status and childcare.

Some lived experience participants avoided seeking assistance to prevent them from having to disclose their undeclared stay. For instance, one participant refrained from approaching homelessness services to avoid revealing their stay with someone who was receiving benefits. They worried that their presence might lead to accusations of benefit fraud, putting their loved one at risk.

This fear of repercussions also had a direct impact on those experiencing hidden homelessness and their access to broader support services or opportunities. They avoided using the address of the person they stayed with for fear of implicating them. This fear prevented them from claiming benefits or receiving financial support, and even impacted their ability to open bank accounts, vote or apply for Young Scot cards. As one third sector participant recalled:

“All the benefits that she could have got from the Council [but] she can't because of this situation [sofa surfing with family member]. So she can't get [a Young Scot] card. She’s fallen in between all the cracks as she is not registered [for statutory support] anywhere because of the [sofa surfing] situation. She's not real, she's invisible, you know.”

A few lived experience and third sector participants described avoiding homelessness assistance to prevent their children from being taken into care. This also reflects a fear of judgement, which was discussed previously in section 8.3.1.4. For instance, one third sector participant mentioned that women with children feared involvement from wider support services and judgement about their parenting. They worried that this could lead to severe consequences, such as their children being taken into care. Such fears prevented them from seeking the help they needed.

For one individual, fear of legal repercussions prevented them from approaching their local authority. One person with lived experience had outstanding warrants during a period of hidden homelessness. They feared arrest if they approached their local authority for assistance and so they did not approach them. They were subsequently arrested and spent 18 months in prison. Upon release, they described how they felt that they were now able to resolve their homelessness. They remarked: ‘Then when I got out, obviously I was, you know, it was a fresh start. I didn't have any warrants. So, I could then start looking for accommodation.’

8.3.5 Fear of stigma

Several third sector participants, local authority participants, and individuals with lived experience identified stigma as a key barrier to seeking homelessness assistance. This manifests as self-stigma (or internalised stigma), stigma from the general public, stigma from their social networks and stigma from wider support services.

Several third sector and lived experience participants described public stigma as a significant barrier to seeking homelessness assistance. Many people avoid seeking help to avoid being associated with homelessness by others. A lived experience participant noted that people often assume those experiencing homelessness are affected by substance use. Some third sector participants also highlighted the widespread belief that people are responsible for their homelessness, which fosters feelings of shame and self-stigma.

Some individuals with lived experience explained that self-stigma created a barrier when the perceptions that people have about homelessness do not align with their perception of themselves Therefore, they can be reluctant to be seen – or to see themselves – as ’homeless’ which can present as a barrier to seeking assistance and being officially labelled as such. In this study, self-stigma was predominantly experienced by people who had other elements of stability in their lives, such as employment or study opportunities. For instance, a woman in employment who had experienced hidden homelessness shared:

“I did have that information, it took me a while to get over the whole stigma of me being a young woman who is now homeless, like it was new to me. Although I knew where homelessness [services] were, it was new to me and I was working and then it takes away everything. Every part of your security goes when your house goes because you’re left wondering where, when, and what.”

Relatedly, some third sector participants noted that some people found it difficult to admit they were experiencing hidden homelessness. One organisation remarked, “We deal with a lot of really proud people, so having to go through that journey is a real pride thing to say, ‘I’m struggling.’” One third sector participant suggested that men might find it harder to admit needing support.

One organisation mentioned that people often explained they were raised to be independent and not ask for help. Additionally, another organisation highlighted the interplay between pride, mental health, and the ability to seek support:

“To ask [for help] might be the biggest thing you do that actually could really, [and it can] drive a real mental health wedge between you and getting services simply because [of your pride and that] you've been brought up all your years, to not use services [and] to stand on your own two feet.”

A few local authority participants pointed out the stigma associated with staying in a hostel. One local authority participant observed increased presentations after switching temporary accommodation support from a hostel-based model to bed-and-breakfast and hotel accommodation. They shared:

“[We]had the same number of presentations in three days than we would have had in a month previously. So, I don’t know if there’s an actual link to that or to people’s understanding of the type of accommodation that they’re going to go into or not.”

Additionally, some third sector participants noted that homelessness is particularly taboo in certain religious and minority ethnic communities. This cultural stigma prevents people from being open about their housing circumstances due to fear of bringing shame upon themselves and their families. One organisation explained that this hinders people from seeking the support they need.

Most third sector participants explained that stigma from wider support services also deterred people from seeking homelessness assistance. For instance, one organisation described the difficulty of registering with a GP without an address and how GP services could stigmatise individuals in these situations. They noted:

“Someone wanting to register with the GP, if you’re homeless and if you’ve got no address, you’ve got to jump through barriers depending on the practice, if they’re helpful or not. If you raise your voice, if you get frustrated, they’ll send you away straight away. I think a lot of attitudes to homelessness, to the barriers people are facing is a big part of it and that has a knock-on effect in people’s motivation [to seek homelessness assistance].”

8.3.6 Worries over loss of autonomy

Many people who have experienced hidden homelessness described an underlying uncertainty in their living circumstances. However, fear of losing their sense of autonomy and control often prevented them from seeking assistance.

Some individuals chose not to engage with services for fear of losing autonomy over their situation. For example, a student who was sofa surfing planned her activities around staying with friends. She organised regular meetings with different friends on different days of the week, creating a rhythm that ensured she always had somewhere to stay. This approach allowed her to maintain some control over her situation.

Similarly, another person with lived experience emphasised the importance of autonomy, especially given their previous trauma (the latter of which was discussed in section 8.2.2.2). They described how maintaining control was important to them due to having little control in chaotic childhood situations. Although they recognised that their living circumstances were unsustainable, they were apprehensive about losing the control they had gained by seeking assistance.

A few third sector participants observed that some people, despite experiencing homelessness, prefer to manage on their own rather than seek assistance from local authorities or support services. In particular, one third sector participant noted that a small number of people were content with sofa surfing and believed they would not benefit from assistance. This builds on the findings outlined in sections 8.2.1 and 8.4.4 which emphasise, respectively, a lack of awareness of being in a housing crisis and the normalisation of hidden homeless situations as barriers to people seeking local authority support.

8.4 Barriers relating to opportunity

This section outlines the opportunity barriers that can prevent those experiencing hidden homelessness from seeking formal homelessness support. Within the COM-B framework, opportunity barriers are defined as “all of the factors that lie outside the individual that make the behaviour possible or prompt one’s behaviour.”

There are two mechanisms through which opportunity barriers impact behaviour. Firstly, there may be barriers to physical opportunity which impact whether a person has the time, money, resources and/or space to undertake the behaviour and, secondly, there may be barriers to social opportunity, which impact on whether a person has the social support, influences or norms to undertake the behaviour. The themes relating to opportunity are largely linked to structural, social or physical barriers based on poverty and inequality that influence the opportunity for people to seek help to secure stable housing.

8.4.1 Poverty

Throughout this research, poverty was described as a barrier to individuals seeking assistance from the local authority for their homelessness. This acknowledgement was both explicit and implicit. In this section, poverty is described as an opportunity barrier but can also influence motivational and capability barriers, described previously. Firstly, most third sector participants noted that people living in poverty often prioritise immediate needs, such as accessing food and basic necessities, over long-term solutions like securing stable housing. This focus on short-term survival can lead people to overlook or underestimate the importance of stable housing. This observation aligns with the findings in section 8.2.2, which highlighted that the prioritisation of non-housing needs is a barrier to seeking homelessness assistance.

Moreover, several third sector participants and individuals with lived experience described how early experiences of poverty and trauma can contribute to low self-esteem and confidence. This can discourage people experiencing hidden homelessness from seeking assistance, as discussed previously in section 8.2.2.2 on trauma. One third sector participant described the impact of repeated hardships as ‘a revolving door where people are just in survival mode’, which meant some individuals feel that they lacked the resilience needed to navigate support systems.

Additionally, some third sector participants described that people experiencing hidden homelessness who are also living in poverty may face practical barriers that impede their ability to seek assistance. For example, limited access to transportation, phones and stable internet can make it difficult to reach out to local authorities or attend necessary appointments.

8.4.2 Digitalisation of local authority systems

Some third sector participants described the digitalisation of local authority homelessness services as creating barriers to service access in several different ways. Digitalised services were described by respondents as forming barriers of physical opportunity, in that some people did not have access to the relevant systems needed for the application (i.e. a computer, a phone, an email address); and as barriers to psychological capacity where people did not have the digital skills/literacy to complete the application.

Some third sector participants reported that those experiencing digital exclusion, or those who do not have the skills to use technology effectively, struggle to obtain information about available support and the application process. This digital divide creates barriers that prevent people experiencing hidden homelessness from securing stable housing. Digital poverty was also found to exacerbate these challenges. This was not just a barrier for those who lacked the financial means to afford digital devices or internet access altogether, but also for those with older devices, as respondents reported issues with completing the application process where more recent operating systems were required than their device could support.

These barriers were found to be compounded by a reduction of face-to-face services. Some third sector participants described how, in the past, these same people could have received support from the local authority to complete the application. Without these in-person options, navigating the online process has become daunting for those without the necessary digital skills. One third sector participant highlighted that:

“A massive barrier is the electronic system that people must apply through. Then they must go back in and they must put in their situation. We are seeing people who are really struggling, but we can't do it for them because the Officer requires an e-mail address.”

8.4.3 Lack of affordable housing

Most third sector participants highlighted a severe shortage of affordable housing in Scotland, with this shortage affecting various sectors including private rentals, local authority and housing association properties, and homelessness services. One local authority focus group participant expressed the perception that the shortage of affordable housing may be exacerbated by private landlords exiting the market, allowing remaining landlords to increase rents, making the private rented sector increasingly competitive and therefore unaffordable to those subject to the limitations of local housing allowances.

Where there is a shortage of affordable housing, it means that when people do seek assistance, they may encounter long waiting lists for suitable long-term accommodation, as discussed in section 8.3.3.1. Several third sector participants reported that the combination of limited housing options and extended wait times can discourage people experiencing hidden homelessness from reaching out to local authorities.

One third sector participant highlighted that they are not aware of clear plans to address housing supply problems. Therefore, people may perceive the wait times and the uncertainty of securing housing as too daunting, leading them to rely on informal, hidden arrangements instead. This is illustrated in the following extract from an interview with a third sector participant:

“We know there's not a lot of housing stock and we're fed-up hearing about [how] there's not a lot of housing stock. But there doesn't seem to be things in place or maybe there are, but they don't communicate well about what they're doing to tackle it. The fact there is no housing stock is forcing people into either going underground or going into dangerous unused houses or tents.”

8.4.4 Intergenerational housing instability and normalisation of housing instability

The normalisation of housing instability emerged as a barrier preventing individuals from seeking stable housing assistance from local authorities. For some, this was due to growing up with experiences of housing instability, sometimes as part of a cycle of homelessness and housing instability that spanned generations, resulting in a perception of such conditions as normal. This ingrained perception can diminish any sense of urgency to seek assistance, as they might not recognise their situation as needing intervention, impacting reflective motivation.

Relatedly, a lived experience participant highlighted how poor experiences of intergenerational homelessness can deter people from seeking help. They had a negative perception of a parent who had previous experience with homelessness and who had previously sought assistance from the local authority. Because they did not want to associate themselves with their parent, they opted to steer clear of accessing such services.

Additionally, some third sector participants described that when parents or carers display scepticism or mistrust towards authority figures, children are more likely to adopt similar attitudes. This can lead to a belief that the assistance offered is either inadequate or inaccessible, influenced by past negative experiences or misinformation, the latter of which is discussed in section 8.4.5.

Meanwhile, some third sector participants and lived experience participants felt that some communities normalised living in overcrowded situations. One lived experience participant from the Roma community highlighted that staying in overcrowded housing can sometimes be seen as a cultural choice. However, despite clarifying that this was not always the case, the participant felt that this has led to the perception from people outside the Roma community that it is reasonable for Roma people to be living in overcrowded situations. In turn, this influenced their perception of their housing situation and their likelihood of approaching the local authority for assistance. The participant shared:

“[Roma people] do this for survival… I think maybe it's seen as a cultural thing, but I think they are trying to survive the best way they can, and they know if they stay together, they'll have a better chance of surviving.”

8.4.5 Lack of good quality and timely information

While the lack of knowledge of rights was described previously as a motivational barrier, third sector participants also highlighted how a lack of good quality and up-to-date information acted as a barrier of physical opportunity keeping people from seeking assistance from homelessness services. They described instances where a lack of access to accurate informational resources contributed to, those at risk of homelessness and those experiencing homelessness being unaware of their right to assistance.

Both third sector and lived experience participants gave examples of seeking information about homelessness support from a number of different sources where the information provided was out-of-date and inaccurate or where the organisation did not know the information about local authority services existed.

Some third sector participants described inconsistencies in how rights and entitlements are communicated to people experiencing or at risk of homelessness. One third sector participant highlighted that there is a lack of understanding of homelessness rights. Additionally, a few third sector and local authority participants described that wider statutory services did not always understand what would be considered a housing crisis, resulting in them not signposting people into homelessness support services.

For example, several third sector participants expressed their belief that health, education and employment services had low awareness of the statutory definition of homelessness in Scotland. Inconsistent information about rights or entitlements can create confusion, frustration or mistrust and can hinder people from approaching homelessness services.

Misinformation about local authority services was reported as a barrier to approaching homelessness services for assistance. For example, some third sector participants described how those in employment thought they would not be eligible for homelessness assistance as a result of their employment status. This misconception led some people to rely on hidden and insecure solutions.

A few third sector participants described misinformation as a particular issue in some minority ethnic communities. For example, people from some minority ethnic groups were described as relying on their community for information. However, when this information is inaccurate, it can spread easily. As one third sector participant reflected, ‘[There is] a lot of misinformation in the black and minority ethnic community because it’s all word of mouth, and we find a lot of people don’t have the right information.’

A few local authority participants reported that there was a perception that people experiencing homelessness must stay in temporary accommodation to be considered a priority for settled housing. They reflected that some people experiencing hidden homelessness preferred to remain in their current circumstances until they received a housing offer. For example, some people who were sofa surfing were aware that their situation was unsustainable. However, they described feeling safe in that environment. The assumption that they would have to leave that environment to enter temporary accommodation served as a barrier to approaching the local authority homelessness services. One third sector participant reflected that social media can play a role in reinforcing misinformation, stopping people from approaching services:

“Social media has a huge [role] to play. There's a lot of misinformation out there. People see [or] hear something and they just automatically assume that social services, social work will take away children…Social services won't [help] unless, and the council won't help you because X, Y or Z or the NHS or the local council won't help you because they've heard a story.”

Outdated information was identified as a reason why some people had not approached local authority homelessness services. For example, one participant with lived experience shared that they had not approached services for assistance due to the belief that they had to be homeless in an area for six months before receiving support. They explained that they were told by an acquaintance that it was necessary to have a local connection to an area before homelessness services would help.

Further insights revealed how misinformation could be used to manipulate vulnerable people. For example, a few third sector participants mentioned that women experiencing domestic abuse, particularly those with children, were provided with false information by the perpetrators of the abuse. They described that misinformation was shared to instil fear and coerce people into remaining hidden in unsafe environments. A few third sector participants recounted that some women were told by their perpetrators and social networks that if they sought homelessness support from the local authority, social services would intervene and remove their children.

8.4.6 Homelessness service failure to support diverse communication needs

Some people with lived experience reported being unable to access homelessness services independently because of their communication needs. For example, those with English as a second language reported needing a translator to facilitate communication. However, a lack of adequate translation support created a barrier – in this instance, a physical opportunity barrier – to accessing homelessness services. One third sector participant shared: ‘for people who don’t have a lot of literacy skills, [some] cannot even write, you know, and we cannot speak the language of theirs and they don't have that specific translation of their own.’

A few participants with lived experience and third sector participants described use of informal translators, but they also noted the risks of misinterpretation.

A few third sector participants reflected that those with learning disabilities found it difficult to advocate for themselves and communicate their circumstances. They explained that this often led to frustration and disengagement, as these people felt that services did not understand their needs.

Additionally, a third sector participant noted that some people did not have access to communication methods such as a telephone, which prevented them from contacting or engaging with homelessness services.

8.4.7 Service accessibility

A few third sector participants described people’s employment as a barrier to accessing local authority homelessness services. This is because these services typically operate during standard working hours. This schedule made it difficult for some employed individuals to attend and access support without jeopardising their employment. While there is an emergency telephone number for out-of-hours support in some local authorities, it focuses more on crisis relief each evening rather than on assisting with the application process.