Housing insecurity and hidden homelessness: research

4 Circumstances of those experiencing hidden homelessness

4.1 Introduction

This chapter describes the physical living circumstances encountered by those with experiences of hidden homelessness. It has been informed by interviews with people with lived experience and third sector participants.

4.2 Hidden forms of homelessness

As previously mentioned, in Scotland, those that experience hidden homelessness are hidden from the official statistics because they have not been in contact with local authority homelessness services, and they are therefore unknown to authorities. As described in section 2.2.2, the literature suggests that there are a number of circumstances that are more likely to be associated with being ‘hidden’ or uncounted. The circumstances described by both lived experience participants and third sector respondents include:

1. living in a home unsuitable for long-term habitation, including situations such as sofa surfing, overcrowding, and concealed households

2. living in hidden roofless environments, such as staying in cars, tents, caravans, and graveyards, which keeps them concealed from public view

3. living in a home that is unsafe, where abuse or exploitation occurs

It is important to acknowledge that living in one of these situations does not necessarily constitute hidden homelessness. For example, there are people who may have sought support from the local authority, and are captured in the official statistics, but are waiting for settled housing. The barriers to seeking help from local authorities (which cause people to remain hidden) are described in chapter 8.

4.2.1 Living in a home that is unsuitable

Several third sector participants identified sofa surfing as the most common form of hidden homelessness among their clientele.

In this research sample, 12 out of 22 people experiencing hidden homelessness intermittently stayed with friends, family, or acquaintances. They described relying on the goodwill of their social network, though some acknowledged that this was not a sustainable solution. A female participant described her situation of sofa surfing with her child:

“I'm staying back with my parents…. I can [stay] for a couple of nights, and that's all. It's an over 55 [residence for older adults] building that my parents live in, so it's literally 2 to 3 nights max.”

Several individuals in this situation highlighted the challenge of potentially overstaying their welcome while seeking stable housing. Likewise, one third sector participant described that people can ‘burn their bridges’ with their social network. They explained how this can lead people to seek assistance from the homelessness service, seek support from third sector organisations or experience rough sleeping, in the absence of their network.

Some participants with lived experience and third sector participants reported incidences of people living in overcrowded or concealed households. This included people staying with extended family or members of the same community. Some third sector participants said that people who speak English as a second language were more likely to live in overcrowded or concealed households. Whilst they acknowledged that the housing situation was unsuitable, third sector participants explained that some people found comfort and familiarity in living with people who had a shared language and culture which may lead them to remain in that situation.

4.2.2 Rough sleeping or other forms of rooflessness

Several third sector participants were aware that some people experiencing hidden homelessness slept in cars, tents, or caravans to conceal their situation from their networks. These circumstances provided some privacy and mobility and occurred in both rural and urban areas.

However, rough sleeping or living in other roofless environments presented dire health and well-being risks, such as exposure to the elements and a lack of washing facilities. For example, an older male participant, currently staying in a caravan, who shared his experience of approaching services but being offered accommodation 200 miles away from his social network, said:

"[I have] no running water, and if I use the toilet, I have to go and empty it in a manhole a bit further away, maybe 80 feet away, and it's kinda hard to take because I can't lift very much now [due to health conditions]."

Some third sector participants reported that public transport was also used as a way for people to remain out of view. They described how some individuals used 24-hour bus services during the night as these provided safety from potential abusers and shelter from the elements. One participant recounted the experience of a young woman with a care background who moved between public transport and sofa surfing. They said, ‘She was 16 when she left her young person's unit… [and] before coming to us, she'd been mainly sleeping on buses or staying at friends' and families' houses.’

Both third sector participants and participants with lived experience described the use of more physically hidden forms of rooflessness as a method to conceal homelessness from peers. One participant shared that they stayed in a graveyard, choosing this environment because it was out of sight yet close to various amenities. However, they felt unsafe there and eventually moved to sleep on the main high street, opting for the brightness near shop lights that provided a sense of safety.

4.2.3 Living in a home that is unsafe

Both those with lived experience and third sector participants recounted that domestic abuse was a context in which some people experiencing hidden homelessness were living. Of the small sample of 10 women with lived experience who were interviewed, three had experienced domestic abuse, including physical, coercive and financial abuse.

A few third sector participants described that some people experiencing hidden homelessness were being exploited. Examples of exploitation included sex for rent and ‘cuckooing.’ For instance, an interviewee from a third sector organisation that predominantly supports minority ethnic women described how individuals who had been exploited approached their service for support:

“I’ve had a client that’s had to, like, they’ve had sex just to be able to stay in the property…. What we found is that landlords let themselves into the bedrooms and there’s like, young children there…. And then he’s coming in.”

Cuckooing, also known as a forced home invasion, is a tactic often used by criminals to take over the homes of vulnerable people—such as care leavers or those affected by substance use and physical or mental health issues—and use the property as a base for criminal activity (Home Office, 2023).

4.3 The dynamic nature of homelessness circumstances

Some third sector participants and individuals with lived experience described the fluid relationship between ‘hidden’ and ‘visible’ homelessness and the cycle that can persist between these two forms of homelessness. Many people described how periods of hidden homelessness preceded their seeking help to get stable housing from local authorities.

There were also several reports of people returning to their unsuitable housing situation after seeking assistance. One reason was that some people could not remain in the property provided by the local authority due to insufficient follow-up support (see section 8.2.3 for more detail). Others did not accept the housing offered or left the property because they felt it was unsuitable for a variety of reasons. Additionally, some individuals who moved out of homelessness after seeking assistance later found themselves homeless again but chose not to seek assistance due to previous negative experiences. There were also examples of individuals who moved directly out of homelessness into accommodation through other routes without contacting the local authority and those who moved between different forms of homelessness and housed.

The dynamic nature of homelessness was also reflected in the way people moved between different, physical living arrangements. For example, some people might use a combination of sofa surfing and hidden roofless environments during their experience of hidden homelessness. One middle-aged man with lived experience and a history of substance use described short cycles of rough sleeping and hidden homelessness. He explained how he had sofa surfed with different friends and acquaintances, including a person from whom he regularly bought drugs. He recounted that he would turn to rough sleeping once he felt he had exhausted his options for other places to stay:

“I just knew this one person, like he sold drugs, he sold heroin, and when I bought heroin off him, I was able to go into his house and then I could just maybe sometimes I would just fall asleep there sometimes. He would say yeah, but sometimes he's got people coming in.”