Housing insecurity and hidden homelessness: research

2 Methodology and approach

2.1 Introduction and overview

This chapter provides an overview of how this research was conducted. In particular, it provides details of the methodology employed in this study while also setting out the approach to recruitment, fieldwork and analysis. It then discusses the study’s key ethical considerations and limitations.

RSM conducted qualitative research in the form of interviews and focus groups, to understand the experiences of hidden homelessness in Scotland. The qualitative research was underpinned by a high-level literature scoping exercise.

The literature scoping work was undertaken for two reasons: first, to provide context to the findings by establishing what is currently known about hidden homelessness (and the available support) in Scotland; and second, to inform the approach to engaging with people whose homelessness is hidden and the development of the research tools. The Scottish Government shared relevant documents with the research team, and the researchers also carried out an online search to identify recent relevant papers published between 2015 and 2024. Key search terms used included ‘hidden homelessness’, ‘housing insecurity’, ‘homelessness’, ‘prevention’, ‘Scotland’ and ‘core homelessness’. The documents consulted ranged from published government documents to publications by third sector organisations and academic research.

The qualitative research involved gathering insights from people currently experiencing hidden homelessness, those who had previously experienced it, and participants from third sector organisations supporting them. Additionally, the research captured the perspectives of participants working in local authority homelessness services. Such an approach allowed for an in-depth exploration of hidden homelessness experiences. This method provided valuable insights into how people felt about, understood, and responded to their homelessness and the reasons behind it.

In total, the research comprised 52 interviews (22 with lived experience participants and 30 with third sector participants). Additionally, the researchers conducted one local authority focus group, which involved nine participants from seven local authorities.

A Research Advisory Group (RAG) was established to guide and inform the research. The RAG comprised academics, local authorities, third sector organisations, and those with lived experience of hidden homelessness. A full list of the organisations represented on the RAG can be found in Appendix A.

2.2 Recruitment

2.2.1 Third sector participants

A range of approaches for identifying participants were considered. Following consultation with the expert RAG group and consideration of strengths and weaknesses of these potential approaches, it was decided to identify participants through third sector organisations. Individuals from a list of third sector organisations were contacted to participate in this research, with this list drawn up after consultation with the RAG, a series of meetings with other key experts in the sector, and Scottish Government representatives. Participants from these third sector organisations were first interviewed to understand their experiences of working with those who experienced hidden homelessness, and then served as gateways to recruit people with lived experience of hidden homelessness (see below).

The research team adopted a two-pronged approach to identifying appropriate third sector participants. Firstly, by engaging with participants from organisations working in homelessness, and secondly, engaging with participants from organisations who support people described by the literature (both due to their experiences and characteristics) as being most at likely to be at risk of hidden homelessness. The research team engaged with participants working in the spheres of homelessness, domestic abuse and sexual health, as well as participants from organisations representing LGBTI people, minority ethnic groups and women.

2.2.2 People with lived experience

Recruiting people experiencing hidden homelessness is challenging due to the nature of the population. This research included participants who experienced hidden homelessness – i.e. whose circumstances appeared to meet the legal definition of homelessness and qualified for homelessness support but who were not in touch with statutory homelessness services. As it was not always clear who might meet this definition, third sector participants were also asked to consider people and groups who currently or formerly experienced circumstances that were likely to be associated with being ‘hidden’. Literature on hidden homelessness suggests that it can be associated with a wide range of circumstances including insecure, inadequate and dangerous housing situations such as:

• sofa surfing – staying with friends, relatives or acquaintances on a temporary/insecure basis, typically sleeping on a sofa or floor because they have no home of their own
• unlawful occupation – unlawfully occupying an empty, disused, or abandoned property without the permission of the owner
• overcrowding – living in severely overcrowded conditions^[3]
• concealed households – involuntarily sharing with other households on a long-term basis because that household is unable to afford or access separate accommodation
• sex for rent^[4] - trading sex or forming an unwanted sexual relationship to have somewhere to sleep
• unsafe housing due to domestic abuse – living in a situation that is unsafe because of abuse or exploitation perpetrated by other household members
• rooflessness^[5] - where someone has no home of their own (or, in some cases, they have a home but do not wish to be there) and are experiencing the following circumstances
  • sleeping outside or in a tent somewhere hidden from public view
  • sleeping in a building not intended for human habitation (e.g. shed, barn, derelict building) somewhere hidden from public view
  • sleeping in a car
  • spending the night travelling on public transport (e.g. bus, train)
  • spending the night in places that are open 24 hours a day (e.g. transport hubs, fast food restaurants, ‘closes’ or stairwells of properties)

People in these circumstances may meet the definition of homelessness in Scotland, but the circumstances can be associated with remaining hidden for various reasons. For example, some of the above circumstances may not be recognised by those experiencing them as being a form of ‘homelessness’; circumstances may enable those who do not wish to be identified or perceived as homeless by others to remain concealed; or they may include circumstances where people feel unable to leave and seek support, for example where they include coercion.

The research team recruited lived experience interviewees through the aforementioned third sector organisations and also through recommendations made by the RAG. Recruitment of lived experience participants was continuously assessed throughout the fieldwork to identify gaps and take a purposive approach to recruitment. This strategy had limitations as it meant that participants in the research had sought or received support from an organisation at some point. Therefore, this research did not capture the experiences of those who had not engaged with any support services. Participants were informed about the research by relevant third sector organisations and either contacted the research team directly or agreed to have their information shared with the research team. No potential lived experience participants were contacted without their prior consent.

The research collected information about the characteristics and circumstances of participants with lived experience. Table 1 shows the characteristics and circumstances of the 22 people in the lived experience sample. It should be noted that people may be represented more than once in the table. This is due to the fluid nature of the different circumstances of hidden homelessness and the intersecting and/or multiple characteristics that people may have.^[6]

Because the sample was made up of those who currently or had formerly experienced hidden homelessness, this allowed the research to capture experiences of those who had overcome barriers to seeking support. However, it also means that not all experiences of hidden homelessness occurred at the same point in time so some participants may have experienced barriers or engaged with services in a way that does not fully represent the current context.

2.2.3 Local authority participants

The research involved engaging with local authority participants to bring insights to the research from the perspective of those providing statutory homelessness services. The research team recruited participants from an existing cross-local authority group. This enabled the capturing of insights from those working in statutory homelessness services in urban and rural areas across Scotland.

2.3 Approach to fieldwork

A core team of researchers conducted all interviews and carried out data analysis. Depending on participant preference, they conducted interviews through telephone, MS Teams, or face-to-face. Two discussion guides shaped the interview structure: one for third sector participants, and one for lived experience participants. Similarly, a focus group discussion guide structured the questions with local authority participants (see Appendix C for all discussion guides). RSM designed these guides in consultation with the expert advisor, Scottish Government and the RAG.

The research team piloted the lived experience topic guide with a volunteer who had experienced hidden homelessness and now delivers homelessness services. RAG members also provided feedback on the research tools. Researchers reviewed the discussion guides at the midpoint of data collection and incorporated updates to enhance learning on key emerging topics following feedback from the RAG.

2.4 Analysis

All interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed with participants’ consent. Researchers systematically analysed the content to identify the key themes that emerged against the overall research and discussion guide questions. This involved a mixed approach of initially inductive thematic analysis, followed by deductive analysis using the COM-B framework (see below for more details), aligning to existing good practice principles (Braun and Clarke, 2006). Researchers extracted key points and illustrative verbatim comments. Themes and emerging findings were recorded in Excel.

The analysis process included several quality assurance measures. A senior researcher reviewed the data and ensured the synthesis of findings. Emerging findings were shared with the academic advisor and the RAG to triangulate findings across multiple sources and test emerging findings with experts in the field. A workshop was also held with the internal Scottish Government project team to ensure credibility and dependability of findings. This approach ensured the data analysis was as rigorous and balanced as possible. Additionally, the approach was flexible, allowing connections across different themes or sub-themes and interpretive insight.

The analysis stage also incorporated findings from the literature review (presented in chapter 3) by examining where findings either corroborated or challenged previous studies.

The analysis drew on behaviour change theory and used the COM-B framework (Michie, van Stralen and West, 2011) to categorise barriers into three categories. While homelessness is largely a structural issue, this work set out to understand, among other things, individual barriers to seeking or receiving support through local authority homelessness services. The COM-B framework was not applied to this study with an expectation that the solution(s) to hidden homelessness would be individual behaviour change; rather, it was employed to understand and characterise the barriers that people experienced. The barriers preventing those experiencing hidden homelessness from seeking help or stable housing were grouped into one of the following three categories:

1. capability – barriers related to skills and knowledge

2. motivational – barriers related to goals and decision-making

3. opportunity – barriers related to contextual factors

However, the interrelationship between these categories is acknowledged in that any one barrier may straddle more than one of these categories. Moreover, an individual's experience of one barrier may also influence whether or how they experience another. By categorising the barriers in this way, the COM-B framework also facilitated discussions about the types of interventions that may therefore be required to overcome the barriers in each category. More information about the COM-B framework is provided in chapter 8.

2.5 Presentation of participants’ views

Participants' views are presented anonymously throughout this report and pseudonyms have been used in Appendix B. Excerpts from participants' narratives illustrate points made throughout the report. Where the report draws on data from individual participants, background information about the participant is also provided to further contextualise their views.

This research does not claim to represent the views of the wider community of individuals who experience or have experienced hidden homelessness in Scotland. Where the prevalence of a particular view is described in this report using terms such as ‘most’, ‘some’, or ‘a few’, this relates only to a proportion of the sample of research participants and not the wider population.

2.6 Ethical approach and approval

The researchers prioritised ethical considerations in the qualitative research approach to safeguard all participants.

Individuals from third sector organisations shared contact details or set up interviews for the purpose of this research with the explicit consent of lived experience participants. At the time of interviews, informed consent was obtained by telephone, virtual call, or face-to-face interactions. Participants were provided with an information sheet and were informed of the purpose of the research and what taking part would involve at the start of the interview. The research team explained that participation was voluntary and that participants could change their minds at any stage with no consequences. Lived experience participants were offered a £20 high street voucher as a token of thanks for participating in the research.

Confidentiality was maintained by anonymity and all personal data was stored securely and in line with the GDPR. Researchers received training on trauma-informed approaches to minimise distress, and debrief sessions were undertaken to support this process. Lived experience participants were provided with information about support available to them during or after the interviews.

The research project underwent a full ethical review by Heriot-Watt University’s School of Energy, Geoscience, Infrastructure and Society Research Ethics Committee. The Scottish Government also reviewed the project approach as part of their ethical approval process. The final approvals from both processes were granted in August 2023.

2.7 Limitations

The study employed a qualitative research design to capture a range of rich and in-depth experiences. This means that the results were not intended to be generalisable and may not represent the lived experience of all people in Scotland experiencing hidden homelessness.

However, the researchers attempted to provide contextual ‘thick descriptions’ throughout, to help the reader decide the extent to which the findings may be transferrable to other populations or contexts (Lincoln and Guba, 1985).

The sample was guided by the recruitment strategy (as described in section 2.2). However, a core limitation is the challenging nature of identifying the target population. Following the advice of the RAG, the decision was made to identify participants through support organisations. Therefore, it is acknowledged that this approach excluded people who experience hidden homelessness but may not be in touch with any support agencies.

One research sub-question asked whether certain groups are more likely to face hidden homelessness than others. This qualitative study was not able to make definitive claims in this regard but, rather, it reflected on the perceptions of third sector research participants regarding their experiences with different groups and who in their experience was more likely to be either hidden, or in circumstances associated with hidden homelessness, and why.

The participant sample was varied (see section 2.2.2 for a full breakdown) as the research aimed to recruit participants with a wide range of characteristics and experiences. However, for some participant groups, participant numbers were lower than hoped (for example, LGBTI); for other groups (such as migrants), no participants were recruited despite various attempts to recruit.

Recruitment was designed to minimise the ethical risks inherent in third sector participants sharing personal information with the research team. However, the approach limited the research team’s prior knowledge of the participants’ characteristics or circumstances before the interviews. This meant that in two cases, participant experiences did not fit the study’s definition of hidden homelessness. Nevertheless, these participants’ experiences were useful in drawing attention to both the nature of what it means to experience ‘hidden’ homeless in the Scottish context (for example, which length of time between experiencing homelessness and seeking support would make one ‘hidden’), and the fact that it was sometimes challenging for both individuals and third sector support services to identify the circumstances in which people qualify for homelessness support. The data collected from these participants has been included in the report as they provide useful learnings on the perception of hidden homelessness and accessing support services, with clear indication when their experiences are referenced.

Finally, this research has relied on people with lived experience telling their own stories and third sector participants recounting experiences on behalf of their service users. Participants’ experiences are unique and often complex, with many people experiencing fluidity in their homelessness, moving between visible and hidden circumstances. This meant that, at times, it was difficult to determine whether people were specifically referring to their experiences of hidden homelessness (before seeking assistance) or of homelessness, more generally. Every attempt has been made through the analysis to clarify which experiences specifically relate to hidden homelessness.