Housing insecurity and hidden homelessness: research

Executive summary

The Scottish Government is committed to preventing and ending all forms of homelessness. However, it is challenging to develop housing and homelessness policies without fully understanding people’s experiences and the scale of the problem. Some people may experience homelessness or be at risk of homelessness but do not appear in official homelessness statistics. This type of homelessness is described as hidden homelessness.

The Scottish Government commissioned RSM UK Consulting LLP (RSM), with expert advice from the Institute for Social Policy, Housing, Equalities Research at Heriot-Watt University (I-SPHERE)^[1], to undertake qualitative research into the lived experience of hidden homelessness in Scotland.

The overarching research aims were to:

• understand the nature of the population experiencing hidden homelessness – this included exploring which groups are most affected and how they are affected
• investigate people’s experiences relating to hidden homelessness – for example, which circumstances led to or have contributed to their housing insecurity? What are the barriers to getting the help they need to avoid or resolve homelessness and find stable housing?
• make policy recommendations to help national and local governments improve their understanding of all forms of homelessness – this includes recommendations for engaging with people who are currently not being reached and ensuring that homelessness and support services are accessible to all

Definition of hidden homelessness

For the purposes of this study, people are considered to experience hidden homelessness when their situation constitutes homelessness, according to the legal definition in Scotland, but their situation is not visible in official Scottish homelessness statistics. This may be because they have not approached local authorities for help; have approached local authorities but decided not to proceed with an application for support; or have no recourse to public funds and are ineligible for local authority homelessness assistance.

Methodology

The research encompassed qualitative fieldwork in the form of interviews and focus groups, underpinned by a high-level literature scoping exercise.

The literature scoping work was undertaken to provide important context for the research (to establish what was known about hidden homelessness, the support available and the current landscape in Scotland), and to inform the development of methods for engaging with people whose homelessness is hidden. The qualitative research comprised 52 one-to-one interviews: 22 with lived experience participants and 30 with third sector participants. Additionally, the researchers conducted one local authority focus group, which involved nine participants from seven local authorities.

Limitations of the approach

The study was unable to definitively determine if some groups are more likely to face hidden homelessness than others as it is not a quantitative study based on nationally representative data. The small sample size limits the diversity of experiences and perspectives captured. Participants’ experiences were complex and fluid, with some moving between visible and hidden homelessness. This meant that, at times, it was difficult to determine whether people were specifically referring to their experiences of hidden homelessness (before seeking assistance) or homelessness more generally.

Findings

Experiences of hidden homelessness in Scotland are complex and varied. The nature of hidden homelessness makes it difficult to understand its true extent. This qualitative study provides insights into the perceptions of third sector organisations about those most at risk of hidden homelessness. These perceptions are based on professional experiences and may reflect the type of services provided and the demographics of their clientele.

Third sector participants identified various groups they perceived to be particularly susceptible to hidden homelessness. They described their experiences of supporting these groups and provided reasons for their vulnerability to hidden homelessness. Groups were not mutually exclusive and participants also described ways in which intersectionality of identities or characteristics could impact on lived experiences.

The five groups most cited by third sector participants were:

• young people – frequently reported as being at the highest risk of hidden homelessness, young people face homelessness due to relationship breakdown, overcrowding, financial instability, and abuse; they were described as often sofa surfing, unaware that they would be considered homeless by local authorities or may not know available housing options
• those who have experienced domestic abuse – domestic abuse was described as particularly pertinent for women who often remain in unsafe relationships and environments due to anxiety about the homelessness system and concerns for their children; immigration status and a lack of awareness of rights can also influence the decisions of some women
• women – women often experience hidden homelessness due to domestic abuse, relationship breakdown, exploitation and complex needs; they may exhaust social networks before seeking help or fear encountering violence in temporary accommodation
• minority ethnic groups – minority ethnic groups are more likely to live in overcrowded or concealed households than the white majority, with some facing language and other barriers which create difficulties in navigating the housing system and in securing appropriate housing; some migrants may have no recourse to public funds, due to their immigration status, restricting their ability to access welfare, housing and homelessness support
• those in higher or further education (students): students can face hidden homelessness due to housing shortages and affordability issues in university locations; they may sofa surf, live in overcrowded households, or remain with abusive partners due to a lack of housing

The research highlighted the circumstances and pathways leading to hidden homelessness. Drivers include structural factors such as poverty and inequality, as well as social and interpersonal factors including intergenerational homelessness, weak social networks, challenging family dynamics, poor health and wellbeing, and abuse and exploitation. The drivers of hidden homelessness were found to be similar to the drivers of visible homelessness.

This research has highlighted barriers to seeking assistance from local authority homelessness services. While homelessness is largely a structural issue, this work set out to understand, among other things, how individuals’ complex experiences influenced their desire or ability to seek or receive help, and any barriers they may have faced in doing so. The ‘COM-B’ framework (Michie, van Stralen and West, 2011) was employed in this study to understand and characterise the barriers that people experienced, and also to facilitate discussion about the types of interventions that may be required to help individuals to overcome these barriers. It was not applied with an expectation that the solution(s) to hidden homelessness would be individual behaviour change. In line with this framework, barriers were categorised as ‘capability’, ‘motivational’ or ‘opportunity’ barriers. An individual's experience of one barrier may also influence whether or how they experience another barrier.

The ‘capability’ barriers included:

• awareness about being in a housing crisis – people often did not recognise their precarious living situation as homelessness; this was especially pertinent for those who were sofa surfing as they had a ‘roof over their heads’
• prioritisation of non-housing needs – for some people with complex needs, trauma, substance use, and immediate survival often took precedence over addressing housing crises
• difficulty in advocating for oneself – for some people, factors such as mental health, substance use, insufficient follow-up support and a lack of confidence made approaching services more intimidating

The ‘motivational’ barriers included:

• perceptions of homelessness services – relevant examples included perceptions relating to: poor service delivery; the availability of suitable housing; cultural considerations; and fear of judgement and discrimination
• mistrust – past negative experiences with services (homelessness or other) fostered mistrust, and undermined people’s motivation for engaging with local authority homelessness services
• the application process – people sometimes considered it a lengthy and complicated process, and were unsure what to expect from it, discouraging them from applying
• fear of repercussions – concerns about the negative impact on family or friends who had been accommodating people in their hidden situation, prevented some people from seeking assistance
• fear of stigma – both self-stigma and public stigma associated with homelessness deterred individuals from seeking assistance
• worries over loss of autonomy – fear of losing control over their circumstances prevented some people from approaching services; additionally, some individuals chose not to seek assistance, preferring to manage on their own

The ‘opportunity’ barriers included:

• poverty - some people in poverty prioritised immediate necessities, such as food, over long-term housing solutions
• digitalisation of the local authority system – lack of digital literacy, skills and financial constraints prevented access to homelessness information and services
• lack of affordable housing – the lack of affordable housing and long waiting lists discouraged people from seeking help, leading them to rely on informal arrangements
• intergenerational housing instability and normalisation of housing instability – housing insecurity was normalised across generations, which reduced the sense of urgency to seek assistance
• lack of good quality and up-to-date information – misunderstandings about entitlement for assistance including, for example, outdated information on local connection, could deter people from approaching homelessness services
• homelessness service failure to accommodate communication needs – language barriers and literacy skills created barriers to accessing services
• service accessibility – standard working hours of homelessness services conflicted with those of employed people, making it difficult for them to access assistance with their application

This research explored the turning points that prompted individuals to seek assistance and find stable housing. Changes in financial security, such as gaining or losing employment, significantly influenced decisions to seek housing. Social networks and family dynamics also played a key role, with individuals seeking assistance after exhausting informal accommodation options or establishing new supportive networks. Concerns over the safety of friends and family were drivers to seek assistance; some people were driven to seek help due to worries about jeopardising others' social security benefits or due to risks to their pet’s safety. Changes in health (both physical and mental), or the health needs of children, prompted some to seek homelessness assistance. Escalating abuse, especially for women, was a turning point for assistance from the local authority homelessness service, wherein they described reaching a ‘breaking point’ in their mental health due to the emotional impact of the abuse. Lastly, wider support services, including primary health care and social care, acted as catalysts for seeking stable housing when people became aware of available assistance.

Discussion

The research demonstrates the dynamic nature of homelessness, with individuals often moving between different living circumstances (or forms of homelessness) at different stages in their lives. This makes it difficult to identify the aspects of an individual’s experience that are truly unique to hidden homelessness. The drivers of hidden homelessness are also similar to the known drivers of homelessness more generally, with a combination of structural, individual and interpersonal factors all playing a part in explaining why an individual may become hidden homeless.

There is often no single reason why people remain hidden homeless. Once their circumstances are hidden, they may experience a range of barriers which prevent them from seeking assistance from their local authority. While some people found a route out of hidden homelessness once they overcame these barriers, others sought support for other reasons – and often when their circumstances improved or worsened in other ways.

Recommendations for the future

The report provides seven recommendations to help ensure that homelessness and support services are accessible to all. These recommendations are centred on making people aware of the different circumstances of homelessness and their rights to assistance, and on supporting people with their wider needs that can help them to access and maintain stable housing:

• Recommendation 1: Educate and support wider public services that come into contact with people experiencing or at risk of hidden homelessness.
• Recommendation 2: Support the development of community champions and representatives from community groups that come into contact with people experiencing or at risk of hidden homelessness.
• Recommendation 3: Implement screening programmes in schools, colleges and universities to identify young people at risk of homelessness.
• Recommendation 4: Local authorities to use the Joint Strategic Needs Assessment to gain a deeper understanding of their communities’ specific needs, thus enabling them to provide accessible and effective housing services.
• Recommendation 5: Local authorities to consider expanding or flexing their homelessness service opening hours and providing face-to-face support with the application process.
• Recommendation 6: Local authorities to ensure that homelessness services meet the diverse needs of different groups.
• Recommendation 7: Undertake a review of the capacity of homelessness services to meet current and anticipated demand, to ensure they have the scope to deliver accessible and effective services.