Scottish Crime and Justice Survey 2021/22: Main Findings

Main findings from the Scottish Crime and Justice Survey 2021/22.


4. Focus on violent crime

What was the extent and prevalence of violent crime in Scotland in 2021/22?

The Scottish Crime and Justice Survey (SCJS) estimates that 134,000 incidents[19] of violent crime[20] were experienced by adults in Scotland in 2021/22. This figure accounts for over a quarter (27%) of all crime measured by the SCJS in 2021/22; with the remainder being property-related.

As a sample survey of the general public, SCJS results on the extent of violence are estimated values which have relatively wide margins of error around them, rather than exact counts. Further information on the process used to calculate estimates is contained within the Technical Report. Taking into account these margins of error, the SCJS estimates that there were between 91,000 and 177,000 incidents of violent crime in Scotland in 2021/22. The following analysis is focused on the best estimates for each year of the survey.

The SCJS estimates that the number of violent crimes in Scotland has fallen by nearly three-fifths (58%) since 2008/09. Figure 4.1 displays the number of violent incidents estimated to have taken place by each year of the SCJS since 2008/09, and shows a downward trend over the longer-term[21].

Figure 4.1: The volume of violent crime in Scotland has fallen by 58% since 2008/09, but is unchanged since 2019/20.

Estimated number of violent incidents, 2008/09 to 2021/22.

Base: SCJS 2008/09 (16,000); 2009/10 (16,040); 2010/11 (13,010); 2012/13 (12,050); 2014/15 (11,470); 2016/17 (5,570); 2017/18 (5,480); 2018/19 (5,540); 2019/20 (5,570); 2021/22 (5,520). Variable: INCVIOLENT.

Table 4.1 examines results from key comparator years[22] and shows that the estimated amount of violent crime experienced by adults:

  • has fallen by 58% since the 2008/09 baseline, from 317,000 to 134,000 incidents in 2021/22
  • has shown no change since the last SCJS in 2019/20 – the apparent decrease from 194,000 violent incidents is not statistically significant

Table 4.1: The estimated number of violent crimes has fallen by almost three-fifths since 2008/09 but is unchanged since 2019/20.

Estimated number of incidents of violent crimes (2008/09, 2019/20 and 2021/22) with percentage change since 2008/09 and 2019/20.
Number of SCJS crimes 2008/09 2019/20 2021/22 Change since 2008/09 Change since 2019/20
Best estimate 317,000 194,000 134,000 Down 58% No change
Lower estimate 275,000 147,000 91,000 - -
Upper estimate 358,000 242,000 177,000 - -
Number of respondents 16,000 5,570 5,520 - -

Variable: INCVIOLENT.

Violent crime estimates derived from the SCJS are based on a relatively small number of respondents who disclose experiences of such issues in the survey in any given year[23]. As a result, analysis of findings between adjacent surveys are often less likely to identify statistically significant changes. For example, all of the apparent year to year fluctuations shown from year to year since 2010/11 in Figure 4.1 are not statistically significant.

However, where they exist, the SCJS can often identify significant changes and trends over the longer-term (such as since 2008/09 as discussed above). Taking this into account, a more detailed examination of changes in the level of violent crime over the last 15 or so years finds that the estimated number of violent incidents:

  • fell markedly (by 30%) between 2008/09 and 2010/11
  • fell more gradually (39%) over the decade or so that followed between 2010/11 and 2021/22 with a 42% fall since 2016/17
  • was more stable since 2017/18, the apparent falls in violence seen over this period are not statistically significant

Therefore, overall the SCJS suggests that the level of violence experienced by adults in Scotland has continued on a downward trend over the last 15 years or so.

Looking at the victimisation rate[24], the SCJS estimates that 1.7% of adults were victims of at least one violent crime in 2021/22. In comparison, an estimated 8.7% of adults experienced property crime over the same period.

However, like incident numbers, it is worth noting crime prevalence rates are also estimates with associated margins of error around them as they are derived from a sample survey of the population. Taking into account these confidence intervals, between 1.3% and 2.1% of the adult population were estimated to have experienced violent crime in 2021/22, with 1.7% representing the best estimate[25].

Again, as with incident counts, analysis from this point onwards will focus on the best estimates for each survey year[26].

Looking at trends over time, the proportion of adults experiencing violent crime has fallen from 4.1% in 2008/09 to 1.7% in 2021/22. Overall, this suggests that violent victimisation in Scotland has been relatively uncommon since 2008/09 and has become an even less prevalent experience over the last 15 years or so.

However, as noted earlier, the SCJS is often better able to identify trends and changes, where they exist, over longer time periods. For example, looking further back reveals that the proportion of adults experiencing violence in 2021/22 (1.7%) was lower than the 3.6% in 2009/10 (and 2008/09), and has declined further in the latest year following a period of stability between 2017/18 and 2019/20.

Figure 4.2: The proportion of adults experiencing violent crime has decreased both since 2008/09 and 2019/20.

Proportion of adults experiencing violent crime (2008/09, 2019/20, 2021/22).

Base: SCJS 2008/09 (16,000); 2019/20 (5,570); 2021/22 (5,520). Variable: PREVVIOLENT.

What types of violent crime were most commonly experienced in 2021/22?

Over two-thirds (69%) of violent incidents in 2021/22 were cases of minor assault with no or negligible injury to the victim, as shown in Figure 4.3. By comparison, 2% of violent incidents in 2021/22 were serious assaults and 7% were robberies. Taken together, all categories of assault (including attempted) accounted for 93% of violent crime.

Figure 4.3: The majority of violent incidents in 2021/22 involved minor assault resulting in no or negligible injury.

Categories of crime as proportions of violent crime overall, 2021/22.

Base: 2021/22 (100). Variables: INCMINORASSNOINJURY; INCMINORASSINJURY; INCATTEMPTASSAULT; INCSERASSAULT; INCROB.

Between 2008/09 and 2021/22, the SCJS has consistently estimated that assaults (including attempted, minor and serious assaults) have accounted for at least 93% of violent crime experienced by adults. As such, trends over time in the number of assaults very closely mirror wider trends in violence. The number of assaults has fallen by 58% since 2008/09 (from an estimated 297,000 incidents to 124,000), the same as overall violent crime which fell by 58% in the same time period.

The strength of the SCJS lies in looking at the prevalence of rare events, such as robbery and serious assault, rather than estimating the number of incidents.

Whilst sub-categories of violent crime such as robbery and serious assault are important events for victims, these crimes represent small proportions of violence overall and are experienced by small proportions of the population (and therefore of the SCJS sample), and so this means they have relatively large degrees of error around them[27].

As such, for crime types which occur in lower volume (but which may often result in more severe physical injuries) like serious assault, the strength of the SCJS is in examining how prevalent such experiences are in the population (i.e. demonstrating that a relatively small proportion of the population are affected), rather than estimating the number of incidents of these types of crime that occur in a single year or over time. Therefore, the main body of the SCJS report focuses on the prevalence of such crimes. Estimates of the extent of these crimes are provided in the Annex tables (see Annex Table A1.2).

As (minor) assaults account for the vast majority of violent crime, it is worth noting that the later sections, which look at the characteristics of violent crime in general, will also be mainly driven by the nature of these incidents i.e. higher volume crimes that often result in less severe or no physical injuries.

Expanding the evidence on violent crime

To enhance the wider evidence base on serious assault and robbery, Scottish Government statisticians have carried out two further in-depth studies. The first, published in 2018, examined a random sample of almost 1,000 police recorded crimes of robbery, providing insights into how the characteristics of robbery have changed in Scotland between 2008/09 and 2017/18. Full details and findings can be found on the Scottish Government website.

The second, published in 2019, used a similar approach to explore the changing characteristics of police recorded attempted murder and serious assault between 2008/09 and 2017/18. This report can be accessed via the Scottish Government website.

To collate the evidence on violent crime in Scotland, the Scottish Government published a report on non-sexual violence in Scotland. This report brought together official data from a range of Scottish sources – both Criminal Justice and Health (including SCJS and police recorded crime data) – to better understand the profile and problem of non-sexual violence in Scotland. The report was published in September 2019 and, as such, features 2017/18 SCJS data, although many of the key findings will remain unchanged with the latest SCJS data.

Two reports on violence prevention have recently been published – What Works to Prevent Violence Against Women and Girls: A Summary of the Evidence and What Works to Prevent Youth Violence: A Summary of the Evidence.

Returning to SCJS findings, as in previous years, the prevalence rate for different categories of violent crime varied. An estimated 1.6% of adults were victims of any sort of assault in 2021/22, whilst 0.2% experienced robbery.

Examining trends over time, the SCJS finds that the prevalence of assault has fallen from 3.8% in 2008/09 and from 2.4% in 2019/20, again demonstrating a similar trend to violence overall. The proportion of adults experiencing robbery has fallen from 0.4% since 2008/09, but was unchanged since 2019/20, as shown in Figure 4.4.

Figure 4.4: The proportion of adults experiencing assault fell by 2.2 percentage points since 2008/09 and by 0.9 percentage points since 2019/20.

Proportion of adults experiencing types of violent crime (2008/09, 2019/20, 2021/22).

Base: SCJS 2008/09 (16,000); 2019/20 (5,570); 2021/22 (5,520). Variables: PREVASSAULT; PREVROB.

Whilst a small proportion of adults were victims of any sort of assault in 2021/22, experiences of more serious forms of violence were rarer still. This is in line with the finding that the vast majority of violent crime was accounted for by minor assaults. For instance, a greater proportion of adults experienced minor assault with no or negligible injury (1.1%) than minor assault resulting in injury (0.3%) or serious assault (0.1%).

How did experiences of violent crime vary across the population?

The SCJS enables us to examine how experiences of violent crime varied across the population and area characteristics. Similar to 2019/20, the likelihood of experiencing violence in 2021/22 was lowest for those aged 60 and over. Unlike in 2019/20, no significant difference was found in the likelihood of being a victim of violence by sex or disability status.

No significant difference was found between those aged 16 to 24 and 25 to 44, the only time in the past five years a difference was detected between these groups was in 2018/19. Those aged 60 and over continued to be the age group least likely to be victims of violence, with fewer than 1 in 100 experiencing violence in this age group, in 2021/22 compared to around 1 in 30 of those aged 16 to 24.

The 2021/22 SCJS detected no difference in the likelihood of experiencing violence between adults living in the 15% most deprived areas and the rest of Scotland. This contrasts with the 2019/20 finding, where a significance difference was found between these two groups, but is back in line with 2018/19.

The 2021/22 SCJS also found no difference in the likelihood of experiencing violence by rurality. This is similar to 2018/19 and 2017/18 but differs from 2019/20[28].

Looking at trends over time, the proportion of those aged 16 to 24 who were victims of violence decreased by three quarters since 2008/09, from 12.0% to 3.0% in 2021/22 and those aged 25 to 44 halved from 4.4% to 2.2% over the same period. In contrast, the prevalence rates for 45 to 59 year olds and for those aged 60 and over have shown no change over this time (Figure 4.5).

Figure 4.5: Adults aged between 16 and 24 have shown the largest decrease in victimisation rate since 2008/09.

Proportion of adults experiencing violent crime by age, 2008/09 to 2021/22.

Base: SCJS 2008/09 (16,000); 2009/10 (16,040); 2010/11 (13,010); 2012/13 (12,050); 2014/15 (11,470); 2016/17 (5,570); 2017/18 (5,480); 2018/19 (5,540); 2019/20 (5,570); 2021/22 (5,520). Variables: PREVVIOLENT; QDAGE.

Between 2008/09 and 2021/22, the proportion experiencing violence has decreased for all population sub-groups. The only exceptions are people aged 45-59 and people aged 60+, as well as those living in a rural area, which are unchanged from the position in 2008/09.

In the shorter term, since 2019/20 the proportion experiencing violence has decreased for: males; disabled people; those living in the 15% most deprived areas of Scotland; and those living in an urban area. Full information on how the prevalence of violence has changed over time for these sub-groups is shown in Figure 4.6 below.

Figure 4.6: Since 2008/09, the proportion experiencing violence has significantly decreased for both males and females, both 15% most deprived areas and rest of Scotland, both urban and rural areas, and both disabled and non-disabled people.

Proportion of adults experiencing violent crime by sex, area deprivation, rurality and disability status, 2008/09 to 2021/22.

Base: SCJS 2008/09 (16,000); 2009/10 (16,040); 2010/11 (13,010); 2012/13 (12,050); 2014/15 (11,470); 2016/17 (5,570); 2017/18 (5,480); 2018/19 (5,540); 2019/20 (5,570); 2021/22 (5,520). Variables: PREVVIOLENT; TABQDGEN; SIMD_TOP; TABURBRUR; TABQDISAB.

When considering findings by sex, it is important to note that victims of partner abuse may not report such experiences through the face-to-face element of the SCJS which produces the main survey prevalence rates. As such, questions on experiences of partner abuse (covering both physical and psychological abuse) are answered in a self-completion element of the survey – with the latest key findings on this topic from 2018/19 and 2019/20 combined presented in the 2019/20 Main Findings Report. These figures showed that in the 12 month period prior to interview, experiences of partner abuse were more common for females than males (3.7% and 2.6%, respectively). Due to improvements made to the partner abuse questionnaire for the 2023/24 survey sweep, analysts are currently developing plans on how to publish the findings for the standalone 2021/22 year. Further background to these changes are detailed in Annex D: Changes to the survey for 2023/24, and users will be informed of future plans through the ScotStat network.

What can the SCJS tell us about repeat victimisation?

The SCJS estimates that most adults did not experience violent crime in 2021/22, whilst 1.7% of the population were victims of at least one violent crime.

The survey also enables us to further explore how experiences varied amongst victims and examine the concentration of crime, including what proportion of victims experienced a particular type of crime more than once during the year[29]. This is known as ‘repeat victimisation’.

Further information about the approach taken to process and derive SCJS results, including on repeat victimisation, is provided in the Technical Report.

Less than 1 in every 100 adults were victims of repeated incidents of violence, but their experiences accounted for almost two-thirds of violent crime in 2021/22.

Table 4.2 explores the volume of crime experienced by victims in more detail to outline the extent of repeat victimisation and further unpack the concentration of violent crime amongst the adult population. It shows that 1.1% of adults were victims of a single violent incident over the year, with a smaller proportion of the population (0.6%) experiencing repeat victimisation (two or more violent crimes). These repeat victims are estimated to have experienced on average 3.0 violent crimes each during 2021/22, whilst together this group of adults are estimated to have experienced almost two-thirds (63%) of all violent crime committed against adults over this period. The table also highlights that an even smaller proportion of the population (0.1%) were high frequency repeat victims, who experienced five or more incidents each.

Table 4.2: Almost two-thirds of all violent crime was experienced by repeat victims, who experienced an average of 3.0 incidents each.

Proportion of all SCJS crime experienced by victims, by number of crimes experienced.
Number of crimes % of population % of violent crime
None 98.3% 0%
One 1.1% 37%
Two 0.4% 27%
Three 0.1% 9%
Four 0.0% 4%
Five or more 0.1% 24%
Two or more 0.6% 63%

Base: SCJS 2021/22 (5,520). Variables: PREVVIOLENT; INCVIOLENT.

The proportion of adults experiencing only one incident of violence, those experiencing two or more incidents, and those experiencing five or more incidents were all lower in 2021/22 than in 2008/09. Whilst this means repeat violent victimisation for two or more incidents was less prevalent in 2021/22 than 15 years ago, findings comparing single years should be interpreted with caution and be considered in the context of broader trends over that period.

Looking more closely, with the exception of 2016/17, the proportion experiencing two or more violent crimes has been below the 2008/09 baseline (1.6%) since 2010/11. In 2016/17, the 1.1% estimate was not significantly different to the 2008/09 figure.

Although high frequency victimisation is consistently rare, as stated above, the proportion of adults experiencing five or more incidents in 2021/22 was lower than in 2008/09. This is in line with the previous years findings.

Figure 4.7 shows trends in single and repeat violent victimisation over time. It shows decreases since 2008/09, while the apparent differences for single and high frequency victimisation since 2019/20 are not statistically significant.

Figure 4.7: The proportion of adults experiencing multiple violent victimisation fell from 1.6 to 0.6% between 2008/09 and 2021/22.

Proportion of adults experiencing a number of violent crimes, 2008/09 to 2021/22.

Base: SCJS 2008/09 (16,000); 2009/10 (16,040); 2010/11 (13,010); 2012/13 (12,050); 2014/15 (11,470); 2016/17 (5,570); 2017/18 (5,480); 2018/19 (5,540); 2019/20 (5,570); 2021/22 (5,520). Variables: PREVVIOLENT; INCVIOLENT.

Note: the ‘five or more’ category is a sub-set of the ‘two or more’ category.

Expanding the evidence on repeat violent victimisation

The Scottish Government published a rapid evidence review on repeat violent victimisation in April 2019, which informed the commissioning of a qualitative study to better understand repeat violent victimisation in Scotland, in late 2019. The study resumed in March 2022 following the lifting of COVID-19 restrictions on face-to-face research and completed in summer 2023. It is the first quantitative study of repeat violence in Scotland.

The research explored the views and experiences of 62 people with lived and living experience of repeat violence via in-depth qualitative interviews, alongside 33 community stakeholders who support them. The research was centred in distinct, geographically defined communities: Urban, Town and Rural areas characterised by high levels of deprivation and violent victimisation. The research focused on (but was not limited to) interpersonal, physical non-sexual violence.

The final report, Repeat Violence in Scotland: A Qualitative Approach, was published in September 2023, alongside three briefing papers: alcohol-related and community violence; poverty, violence and the drug economy; and gendered violence and victimisation.

The research highlights the detrimental impact of violence on the everyday lives of those who experience it. The research has unpacked patterns of repeat violence and addressed an important knowledge gap, providing a detailed insight into:

  • factors that increase vulnerability to repeat victimisation amongst high-risk groups, including people living in deprived areas, people with convictions, and people defined as having complex needs
  • the lived experience of repeat violence and related forms of psychological trauma and social harm, including violent offending
  • the support needs and experiences of people who experience repeat violence, who tend to be less likely to seek and access police and victim services

The research is being used to inform the implementation of the published Violence Prevention Framework for Scotland.

What were the characteristics of violent crime?

When locations are combined into broader categories[30], the SCJS estimates that over three-fifths (62%) of violent incidents in 2021/22 occurred in a public setting, with the remainder taking place in a private space. This is similar to the finding in both 2008/09 and 2019/20 (67% and 63% respectively), where violent incidents were also more likely to take place in public settings. However, this has increased from 2018/19 where 46% of incidents were estimated to take place in public settings.

Figure 4.8 looks at particular locations more closely and demonstrates that violent crime was experienced in a variety of settings in 2021/22.

Figure 4.8: The majority of violent incidents occurred within a public space with in/near the victim’s place of work as the largest category.

Proportion of violent crime incidents occurring in different locations, 2021/22.

Base: Violent crime incidents (100). Variables: QWH1 / QWH3 / QWH5 / QWH7.

Where respondents provided details about when an incident occurred[31], a higher proportion occurred during the week (65%) than at the weekend[32] (35%).

Although the SCJS did not ask directly about hate crime, respondents who had experienced violent crime were asked if they believed the incident was, or might have been, motivated by a range of motivating factors[33]. The majority (83%) of violent crimes in 2021/22 were thought to have been motivated by none of these factors. Harassment and discrimination is discussed in more detail in Section 9.2.

Respondents who had experienced violent crime were asked if the incident involved the internet, any type of online activity or an internet enabled device. This question was first asked in the 2018/19 SCJS. In 2021/22, 3% of violent crime incidents involved a cyber element, a similar level to 2019/20. Cyber crime is discussed in more detail in Section 9.2.

What do we know about perpetrators of violent crime?

In 90% of violent incidents reported in 2021/22, respondents were able to provide some information about the offender. The section below presents headline results on the details provided[34]. All findings are proportions of cases where respondents were able to say something about the person or people who carried out the offence, unless otherwise stated.

The SCJS results highlight that the majority of violent crimes in 2021/22 (80%) were carried out by male offenders only – a consistent finding over the years. A further 13% of incidents involved female offenders only, whilst in 6% of cases both males and females were responsible[35].

Figure 4.9 shows that violent crimes involved people from a range of age groups and suggests that perpetrators tend to be from younger cohorts[36], while only 36% involved any offenders aged 40 or over. This finding is consistent with previous years, though the proportion of incidents involving people from the individual age categories tends to show fluctuation from year to year.

Figure 4.9: The majority of offenders in 2021/22 were aged 25 or over.

Proportion of violent crime incidents involving offenders of each age group, 2021/22.

Base: Violent crime incidents where respondent could say something about offender (100). Variable: QDAGE.

Most violent incidents (64%) in 2021/22 were committed by people who the victims knew or had seen before. Where offenders were known by the victim, just over two-thirds of incidents (70%) were said to have involved people ‘known well’.

Those who said they knew the offender in some way were asked about their relationship to the offender[37]. Figure 4.10 shows the range of relationships between victims and offenders.

Figure 4.10: Violent incidents the offender was either a current or former partner or an ‘other’ relationship were most common.

Relationship of offender to victim as a proportion of violent incidents where the offender was known in some way, 2021/22.

Base: Violent crime incidents where respondent knew the offender (80). Variable: QRE2.

Note: ‘Current or former partner’ includes any current or former husband, wife, partner, boyfriend or girlfriend. ‘Other relative’ includes any son or daughter (in law) or other relative. ‘Work related’ includes any client or member of the public contacted through work, or a workmate/colleague.

When considering these findings, it is important to note that victims of partner abuse may not report such experiences through the face-to-face element of the SCJS. As such, questions on experiences of partner abuse (covering both physical and psychological abuse) are answered in a self-completion element of the survey – with the latest key findings on this topic from 2018/19 and 2019/20 combined presented in the 2019/20 Main Findings Report.

What do we know about the role of alcohol, drugs and weapons in violent crime?

Where the victims were able to say something about the offender in 2021/22, almost two-fifths (37%) believed them to be under the influence of alcohol. This figure is lower than the estimate in 2008/09 (63%) but unchanged from 2019/20.

As shown in Figure 4.11 below, it should be noted that in 6% of violent incidents (where victims were able to say something about the offender) the victim did not know if the offender was under the influence of alcohol or not.

Figure 4.11[38]: Almost two-fifths of violent crime involved offenders perceived to be under the influence of alcohol.

Proportion of violent crime with offenders perceived to be under the influence of alcohol, 2021/22.

Base: Violent crime incidents where respondent could say something about offender (100). Variable: QAL.

Relatedly, victims reported that under one-in-three violent crimes (30%) involved offenders who were thought to be under the influence of drugs in 2021/22, unchanged from 2008/09 and 2019/20.

Combining this data, in 2021/22 it was found that offenders were believed to be under the influence of alcohol and/or drugs in just under half (46%) of violent incidents where the victims were able to say something about the offender. This is a decrease on both the proportion in 2008/09 (68%) but unchanged since 2019/20. This will be an area to monitor in the future.

Where a violent incident involved someone seeing or hearing what was going on (i.e. the victim themselves or another witness, which was the case in 97% of incidents), further questions were asked about the presence of a weapon. In 2021/22, 18% of such incidents were said to have involved perpetrators with weapons, unchanged from 2010/11 (when the wording of this question was updated to its current format) and from 2019/20.

When combining categories (in a similar way to the police recorded crime statistics) the SCJS found that bladed/pointed articles[39] were used in 7% of violent incidents where someone saw or heard what was happening, unchanged from 2019/20. However, due to the small sample sizes, the sub-groups of this category are prone to fluctuations. For example, whilst in 2018/19 the SCJS found 4% of these crimes involved a screwdriver, no such crimes were detected in 2019/20 or 2021/22, and conversely, no knife crimes were detected in the 2018/19 SCJS, while 7% involved a knife in 2021/22.

What was the impact of violent crime?

Where violent crime resulted in some sort of injury (56% of incidents), the most common injury sustained was minor bruising or a black eye (69%). More serious injuries like broken bones and internal injuries occurred much less frequently, as shown in Figure 4.12[40].

Figure 4.12: The injuries commonly reported by victims are consistent with the finding that the majority of violent incidents are cases of minor assault resulting in no or negligible injury.

Type of injuries sustained as a proportion of violent incidents resulting in injury, 2021/22.

Base: Violent crime incidents where respondent was injured (60). Variable: QINW.

In just over half of incidents, the emotional impacts reported by victims of violent crime in 2021/22 were annoyance (reported in 51% of violent incidents), anger (46%) and shock (34%). Victims in just over a tenth of incidents (12%) said they experienced no emotional impacts, similar to the level in 2008/09 (10%) and in 2019/20 (12%).

What proportion of violent crime was reported to the police?

The 2021/22 SCJS estimates that just over a third of violent incidents (34%) were brought to the attention of the police. This is unchanged from the position in both 2008/09 and 2019/20, and also not significantly different than the reporting rate for property crime in 2021/22.

There can be a range of factors which influence whether or not an individual reports a crime to the police, not least how the victim views their own experience. The SCJS found that in just over half of violent incidents in 2021/22 (52%) victims thought their experience should be described as ‘a crime’, as shown in Figure 4.13 below. Over half (57%) of incidents which victims considered to be a crime were brought to the attention of the police in 2021/22.

Figure 4.13: In over half of incidents, victims thought their experience was a crime, with over a quarter thinking it was just something that happens.

Victim's description of violent crime incidents experienced, 2021/22.

Base: Violent crime incidents (100). Variable: QCRNO.

When asked directly why they did not report their experience to the police, victims cited a range of reasons. These included that:

  • the matter was dealt with personally by the victim (40%)
  • the issue was considered a private, personal or family matter (23%)
  • the police would not have been bothered/ not interested (20%)
  • the victim had previous bad experience with the police (17%)

In addition to the options listed in the survey, ‘other’ reasons were cited in 8% of cases.

What consequences did victims believe offenders should have faced?

Regardless of whether the incident was reported to the police, victims in 44% of violent crimes thought the offender should have been prosecuted in court. This proportion has shown no significant change since 2008/09 or in the previous year, and is similar to the proportion of property crime victims in 2021/22 who thought offenders should have been prosecuted in court.

Over one-in-four (26%) of those who did not think court was appropriate said they should have been given some kind of help to stop them offending, whilst just under one-in-four (24%) thought the offender should have apologised for what they had done and around one-in-five (21%) thought they should have been given some kind of warning. Respondents’ views of the criminal justice system are discussed in more detail in Chapter 7.

Contact

Email: scjs@gov.scot

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