Rural Scotland - trajectories of young people and young adults: report

Chapter 3: Contextual factors - mobility in the lives of young people and adults

Chapters 3 and 4 provide insights on the mobilities of young people and adults in rural communities and highlight the diverse factors that shape mobility decisions over the life course focusing on those aged 16-45 in Scotland’s rural and island areas. Mobility decisions do not take place in a vacuum nor are they individual decisions. The nature of decision-making and the aspirations of rural young people and adults must be understood in the context of their relationships with others and to places, as well as societal shifts (e.g. economic, political, social, etc.), all of which differ widely and evolve over time (Wyn et al., 2020). Decisions about leaving/staying/returning are shaped by multiple interacting factors.^[13] These include structural opportunities and constraints at personal as well as local, national and transnational levels, which shape young people’s lives in urban and rural areas, although the influences and effects may be different between and within each context.

The main focus of Chapter 3 is on the ways in which the provision of and access to economic and social infrastructure and social and cultural differences in particular shape the experiences of young people and adults. Chapter 4 goes on to look at empirical evidence concerning attitudes to and experiences of mobility amongst young people and adults. Both chapters draw on the following selected sources: (i) peer-reviewed and applied literature on the mobilities of young people and adults in rural contexts;^[14] (ii) a review of recent Scottish and regional research and consultations in relation to young people/adults in rural and island areas^[15]; and (iii) a workshop with a small number of young people/adults, whose views are integrated and referenced throughout the text as relevant.^[16]

3.1. Ruralities

How best to conceptualise ‘rural’ contexts and/or experiences, is contested and varies across disciplines and countries. Rural literature has emphasised the mutually interacting nature of physical landscapes, environments, places and people. The dynamic nature and diversity of rural areas/regions as well as their embeddedness in national and transnational networks is widely acknowledged. The interconnectedness between rural and urban is described less in binary terms and more as a continuum characterised by diverse movements of people, goods and services facilitated by transport and information and communication technologies and influenced by national, regional and local planning policies.

3.1.1. Changing rural contexts

The restructuring of rural economies has received considerable attention since the 1980s among rural researchers, policy makers and agencies (e.g. OECD), with studies in the global North focused primarily on changes in the agriculture sector. Rural economies are now much less dominated by agriculture - the consolidation of farms and adoption of capital-intensive farming, including labour-shedding technologies have resulted in significant losses of jobs and increasing demand for labour flexibility. This ‘New Rural Economy’ as it came to be known has resulted in greater rural diversity, including a more diverse economy. The latter is characterised by a growth in the service sector including tourism and the public sector which has been identified in the literature as the biggest employer and source of income in some rural areas and by a dominance of mainly small and medium sized enterprises. It is also widely acknowledged that there is no one ‘rural’; rural areas are diverse in various ways and many of their economies are increasingly more like urban areas (Hill, 2006; Shucksmith, 2012; Ryser and Halseth, 2010; Ward, 2006). Furthermore, recent changes related to the growth in information and communication technologies (ICT), as well as events such as the financial crisis in 2008, BREXIT and Covid-19 have all impacted on rural economies in ways which are relevant to understanding young people/adult lives today (de Lima, 2021). Some indication of the extent of these changes on the occupational structure of the three Scottish Island Local authorities can be seen from Table 3.

In none of the island LAs was even the combined category of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (AFF) the largest male employment group, and in the Western Isles each of the separate census categories of Construction, Manufacturing, Transport and storage, and Wholesale and retail trade all employed more men, while the separate Health and social care sector alone employed around a quarter of women. The clustering of women and men in these sectors reflects gender related occupation segregation which is a Scotland-wide issue (Highlands and Islands Enterpise, 2017; Scottish Government, 2019) and is discussed further in section 3.2.2.

More broadly, the last decades have seen significant societal changes and events shaping experiences and opportunities as people navigate through the different phases of their lives. A growing body of literature has sought to explore how young people negotiate their lives in what is described as an increasingly ‘risk-based’ society. Important factors include, for example, the more deregulated nature of labour markets, increasingly precarious employment consequences of financial crisis and neo-liberal fiscal policies, and the widespread use of social media, as well as the impacts of Covid-19 and BREXIT. The labour market changes have led to a decreasing emphasis by young people and adults (assuming they have a choice) on having linear career paths (Pavlidis, 2009; Wynn et al., 2020). These factors are critical to understanding the mobilities of young people/adults and should be considered more carefully in policy design.

Research on leaving/staying/returning in relation to young people and adults in rural contexts has also highlighted the importance of considering the socio-ecological context in which mobility decisions are made. These include structural opportunities and constraints as well as other factors such as family background, length of residence, social relationships involving schools, communities, family, partners/spouses and peers/friendship groups, and quality-of-life factors such as culture, entertainment and the physical and affective qualities of place associated with scenery/aesthetics of landscapes (Forster and Main, 2018; Wynn et al., 2020). Some of these are discussed further in chapter 4.

3.2. Scottish rural socio-economic context

Scottish rural areas and islands are diverse in their geography and landscapes, their proximity or distance from the main urban centres and from smaller but still important towns, their histories, economies, cultures, and their populations. In rural and island communities, greater distance and sparsity (very small population size and dispersed population locations) are closely associated with specific challenges related to cost, access, provision and increasing rationalisation or centralisation of services (Maclaren et al., 2024; Highlands and Islands Enterprise, 2018, 4-5; Scottish Government, 2018b). These challenges are exacerbated for some groups more than others, and in some, particularly more distant and sparsely populated areas more than others (Dey and Jenstch, 2001; Glass et al., 2020; Pavis et al., 2000; 2001; LGBTQ Youth Scotland, 2023).

Scottish Government has estimated that the minimum cost of living in remote rural Scotland was between 15 per cent and 30 per cent higher than urban parts of the UK. This has been attributed to additional costs related to food, clothing, household goods and holidays. The costs of being mobile in rural areas are high, with the cost of travel featuring ‘as the dominant extra cost’. Households in remote rural areas in Scotland need a higher income to achieve the same standard of living as those living in other parts of the UK (Scottish Government, 2021a&b).

Social and economic infrastructural challenges (across all services) impact all ages and feature prominently in discussions of ‘drivers of rural youth outmigration’. Recurrent issues from the reviewed literature and other sources, are briefly summarised below (Glass et al., 2020; Glass and Atterton, 2022).

3.2.1. Travel and transport

Issues of availability and access to affordable public transport are identified as a major challenge by young people and adults living in many rural areas and islands across Scotland. The need, where these are available or are an option, for people to use multiple modes of transport (e.g. car plus ferry or bus or train or plane) also poses challenges of connectivity and costs. For young people and adults from islands and remote rural mainland areas who have moved to other parts of Scotland for study or work, visits home can not only be costly but also very time-consuming and may result in them leaving their home locality permanently (Alexander, 2021). This was an issue that was particularly highlighted in the discussions with participants from the Young Islanders Network (YIN).

The limited availability and high costs of public transport for those living in more remote rural and in many island areas, mean that access to employment, as well as services such as health, daily shopping, education, childcare, social and cultural activities, is nearly always dependent on having access to a car, and is an additional cost. This has implications for young adults and results in a high level of dependence on their family/households to access services, social and leisure activities. It also impacts on those in low paid work by contributing to in-work poverty. Women in rural regions such as the Highlands and Islands are less likely to have a driving licence compared to men and, when combined with limited public transport, this can result in isolation and may contribute to reinforcing traditional gender roles (Highlands and Islands Enterprise, 2018).

3.2.2. Employment

The employment activity rate for young adults in rural areas of the Highlands and Islands has been reported as comparing favourably with urban areas, and yet young people’s and adults’ access to secure, high quality and well-paid employment with career progression opportunities is limited, especially so for graduates (HIE, 2018). A Highland and Islands Enterprise survey of young people reported that, in 2017, 70 per cent those aged 16-24 were in employment, but of these just under half were working in retail and hospitality (HIE, 2018, p.8). It is also well-known that rural incomes can be volatile and precarious, with unpredictable incomes from seasonal or casual work and zero-hours contracts characteristic not only of land-based and tourism employment but extending across many sectors of rural economies (Glass and Atterton, 2022, p.7).

The 2022 Census data for the three island LAs suggest a rather similar pattern of employment in hospitality and retail for 16–19-year-old females, with somewhat lower levels (around a third overall) for males of this age, and markedly lower figures in the 20-24 age group; at most around a quarter for both sexes, less for men in Shetland. These sectors are characterised by low pay and poor conditions, but younger women especially, have limited available alternatives. This changes for older age groups, and women in their late twenties, most of whom will have completed education and training either on the islands or elsewhere, are more likely to have found other jobs for example in health, social care and education (see Table 4).

Occupational segregation has been identified in some academic studies as a reason for young women to express a greater desire to leave rural areas (Brandth and Haugen, 2010; Little and Panelli, 2010; Little, 2003). Despite some improvements in women’s employment, occupational segregation and the gender pay gap are recognised as varying by geography (Scottish Government 2019; HIE,2017; Olsen et al., 2018). In the Highland and Islands men are more likely to be more highly represented in two of the three of the most senior and well-paid occupational groups^[17] and, compared with men, women are more likely to work part-time, work in lower grades in organisations or 'low value sectors’ (HIE 2017,1 and 14; see also Close the Gap, 2022;2023). More men (87 per cent) than women (54 per cent) work full-time (HIE, 2017, p.5). Women in remote rural areas and island local authorities and in local authorities with ‘substantial urban populations’ experience a higher gender pay gap than those living in mainly rural local authorities (Scottish Government, 2019, p.12). In the absence of recent research, the extent to which the desire to leave rural areas is driven by gender needs to be further explored further.

3.2.3. Childcare

‘It’s awful, it doesn’t exist’ was a view expressed by a number of participants at the YIN workshop. Parents in remote rural areas tend to have very poor access to childcare. These issues are not new, despite recent efforts by Scottish Government to improve access (Scottish Government, 2022). Women’s access to employment is disproportionately affected, resulting in ‘women leaving their roles or taking prolonged breaks’ (YIN participant 4). A lack of childcare may also result in ‘…people having to move around the isles to access services, perhaps from more peripheral islands’ (YIN participant 1).

The specific challenges of providing and accessing appropriate childcare in rural areas and the reliance on family support (for those with family in the locality and/or who can access such support) are well-documented. Childcare providers also face challenges in sustaining childcare services in those rural and island areas most affected by distance and population sparsity. Published research on the voices of women with no local support appear absent from the policy focused research that is available. Recurrent issues highlighted by the literature (Scottish Government, 2022) include lack of wrap-around care, crèches and holiday play schemes, lack of flexibility and alignment with working hours, distance of travel to access childcare facilities, and associated travel costs particularly in a context where there may be limited public transport. In addition, the high cost of childcare impacts negatively on parents’ current and potential employment, resulting in some parents having to give up work which can contribute to increasing risk of child poverty (Glass and Atterton, 2022). Pathfinder interventions funded by Scottish Government as part of the Addressing Depopulation Action Plan (2024) include a focus on new and flexible ways to deliver child (and elder) care in rural areas (see Appendix 1).

3.2.4. Housing

The challenges of accessing appropriate, affordable and diverse housing choices to rent or to buy in some rural areas, as well as issues of homelessness and having to stay in parental homes, are long standing issues reflected in in a recent report on housing published by YIN (Young Islanders Network, 2024). Participants at the YIN workshop described challenges related to accessing accommodation both for those who have chosen to stay and for those who have decided to return. Access to appropriate, good quality and affordable housing is dependent on local planning, local rental market land values, housing availability and access to finance (Scott et al., 2017). These present major challenges for young people and adults. As one YIN participant (7) highlighted:

… people asking ‘why is nothing getting done?’ – one issue is local planning capability. It feels like we’ve been having the same conversations for 10-20 years. It’s not that the funding is not there, it’s the permissions and access to the land.

Access to the type of accommodation required is likely to vary at different life course stages. For young people and adults at the post-school and tertiary stages and for those who wish to remain in their local community, access to affordable, shared rental accommodation might be important, and for those at the post-tertiary stage access to affordable accommodation to buy or rent are potentially key considerations in choosing where to live. More recently, the YIN (2024) ‘Housing Challenge Report’ identified a range of challenges in relation to accessing affordable housing including the presence of vacant homes as well as other issues which are perceived by young people as affecting the sustainability of some of the rural communities.^[18]

Although access to affordable housing is a Scotland-wide issue for young people and adults, the situation in some parts of rural Scotland has been identified in recent years as a particular challenge attributed to an increase in short-term lets for tourism, as well as increases in pre-retirement/retirement migration and second home ownership (The Indigo House Group in association with IBP Strategy and Research, 2019). For young people and adults these trends can mean prolonging dependence on their families when they might prefer to live independently, not being in a position take up employment, or making decisions to move away (Pavis et al. 2000; Young Islanders Network, 2024). Lack of affordable accommodation was also identified by a YIN participant (1) as impacting on recruitment of key workers in sectors such as health, and he suggested the need to factor in ‘tied housing’ for key workers when new public service facilities are being built. ‘Affluent people’ buying houses in some rural communities was also cited as an issue in the YIN (2024) survey of housing issues.

3.2.5. The ‘sticky stuff’

As the HIE (2018, p.73) survey of young people highlights, it is also important to focus on ‘…the “sticky stuff” – the factors that sit behind the economic drivers that serve to attract and retain talent in the first instance, and will help to anchor young people in an area, whether they choose to stay in, come to or return to the region.’

In addition to the factors discussed above, many young people in rural and island communities highlight other challenges (Rural Youth Project, 2018, 2020; Youth Work Dumfries and Galloway, 2023; Nordregio 2023). The prohibitive cost of accessing social and cultural activities means that they cannot participate in ‘experiences that normal teenagers have’ (YIN participant, 9). Despite the structures that have been established for youth representation and participation (e.g. Scottish Rural and Island Youth Parliament and Young Islanders’ Network), tokenism in the involvement of young people (‘youth washing’) and not being heard are issues that are consistently cited. The lack of support for community development and youth work as well as lack of inclusive safe public and social spaces can have special significance in dispersed communities and one street rural towns where spatial choices for socialising are limited.

It is not enough to focus on economic policies only, it is vital to ensure that policies related to other domains such as social infrastructure, communication technologies, transport, culture and health are also aligned and integrated to achieve the same overall purpose and objectives in relation to the retention/attraction of young people and adults (Maclaren et al. 2024; Rural Youth Project, 2018; 2020). There is a recognition of the importance of various policy sectors in the Addressing Depopulation Action Plan (Scottish Government, 2024). Appendix 1 highlights some strategies (e.g. The Scottish Government’s Housing to 2040 Strategy) which include an explicit reference to young people. Furthermore, initiatives which support young people’s active engagement on a range of policy issues also have Scottish Government support (e.g. The Young Islanders Network, The Scottish Rural & Islands Youth Parliament). In general, however, there appears to be a lack of explicit emphasis on targeting specific age groups consistently across policy areas which is an area for policy consideration.

Policy integration is not without challenges given the complex dynamics and coordination required between different ‘. . . actors and agencies across policy subsystems, the combination of instruments from different policy sectors…’ as well as the different sectoral logics at work (Cejudo and Trein, 2023, p.9). Policy integration underpinned by systematic and rigorous data collection must take place at the appropriate local level if it is to be effective. This will require effective partnership working across sectors involving young people/adults at an appropriate local scale underpinned by shared commitments to clear policy goals (Expert Advisory Group on Migration and Population, 2025).

Many of the issues highlighted in this section are not new and are recognised as interlinked. Despite the volume of research (applied in particular) that exists on the issues highlighted in this report, commissioned research tends to be fragmented, one-off and often lacks rigour and consistency with regard to research design, sample selection (e.g. issues related to various stratifications, such as age or gender) and geographical coverage/scale amongst other factors. The lack of data broken down by gender, age and other characteristics in some of the research highlighted in this chapter presents a major barrier in developing an effective understanding of trends among specific groups of young people/ adults to facilitate the development of appropriate policies. The commitments made by the Scottish Government (2024) in its ‘Addressing Depopulation Action Plan’, including support for research to inform and support policy development, are welcome. This presents an important opportunity to address issues of rigour and consistency in research with the objectives of informing policy on the mobilities of young people and adults in rural and island areas as well as facilitating integration across policy sectors at the appropriate geographical scale.

3.3. Social and cultural differences

All places (including rural and island areas) embody varied meanings associated with social hierarchies (e.g. class, gender, sex, ethnicity, disability and age), and this results in diverse ‘attachment experiences’. Not all young people and adults have good relations with their family, and some may also have negative childhood experiences in close-knit rural communities. Research has highlighted factors including education and social background of parents, length of residence, migration history, stigma associated with mental health, gender and sexuality as potentially impacting on young people’s and adults’ decisions of staying, leaving and returning (Jones and Jamieson, 1999; Jones, 1997).

3.3.1. Gender

Rural and island areas have frequently been characterised as masculine spaces, with the dominance of male employment giving rise to gender role differences and inequalities between men and women. This view is still found among at least some young people. Gendered employment opportunities arose as a central theme during our discussion at the YIN workshop. Young participants held strongly to the view that, ‘… most boys go into fishing or oil’ (participant 8). Another explained, ‘most young boys and men go into a trade or apprenticeship’. while a third noted that: ‘Orkney thrives on fishing, farming, trades, healthcare, roads. But no big business, IT, clothing’.

As we have shown above, this perception of the dominance of land-based (agriculture, forestry and fishing) and in some cases extractive, (e.g. oil and gas) sectors is an increasingly out-dated one. Indeed, this has been the case for decades (Shucksmith, 1994). However, it is one that continues to loom large in young people’s expectations of their own and others’ employability. It is worthy of note that the employment sectors cited by participants in the YIN workshop above are all male dominated, except for the healthcare sector where women are more likely to be employed (see Table 4). As a recent report by Close the Gap (2023, p.1) notes, young people continue to experience

…gender inequalities within the skills system, including subject segregation in education and gender segregation in apprenticeships, ^[which] reinforce and sustain the inequalities women face in the wider labour market such as occupational segregation, their higher levels of poverty, and the gender pay gap.

The outmigration of women from rural areas has also been attributed to a desire to escape the experiences of highly gendered social and cultural norms that developed around traditional rural activities (e. g. agriculture and forestry) as well as the close-knit nature of communities leading to experiences of social control and oppressive/exclusionary experiences (Ní Laoire, 1999). In the last decade there has been a growing recognition that gender relations are changing and women’s experiences of living and working in rural areas are heterogenous across social classes and educational levels. However, equality may not be experienced across all domains.

One recent study has explored the persistence of patriarchal structures in the ‘Up-Helly-Aa’, a major annual cultural festival on Shetland. The festival has in recent years come under scrutiny and is a source of polarised debates in relation to women’s participation and role in the festival (Budge and Shortall, 2022). Until 2025, only men were allowed to take part in the main procession, whilst women were confined to supportive roles as a “hostess” or attending one of the eleven halls, consequently, the authors argued that:

The festival continues to send a strong message to young girls from Shetland regarding their position in the island’s society, even more so now that the Junior Up-Helly-Aa has been extended to all boys across Shetland. This level of discrimination is likely to push some girls away, resulting in them becoming disconnected from the islands.’ (Budge and Shortall, 2022, p.193).

3.3.2. Sexuality

The importance of acknowledging changing ideas of rural masculinities and femininities and their experiences including the varied and diverse experiences from LGBTQ+ communities in rural areas has been highlighted by academic scholars for some time. (Little and Panelli, 2010; Pini and Leach, 2011; Taylor, 2011). More recently, these issues have also been taken up by campaigning organisations such as LGBTQ Youth Scotland.^[19] A recent report by LGBT Youth Scotland (2023), based on a survey of the experiences of 1,279 LGBTQ+ young people in Scotland aged 13-25, produced a thematic report on rural areas.^[20] The report, whilst recognising the diverse experiences of young people in rural areas, also highlights some specific challenges faced by rural LGBTQ+ youth. 39 percent of young people in rural areas (compared to 59 percent in non-rural areas) described their local areas as a good place for LGBTQ+ young people. The report highlighted that:

‘Homophobia, biphobia and transphobia are a core part of LGBTQ+ young people's lives in rural areas, and in particular the growing prevalence of transphobia.’

This was experienced in a range of settings including education, workplace, community and when engaging with services, resulting in social isolation (p. 3).

Lack of safe spaces and anonymity makes it difficult to ‘come out’ in rural communities. A study in Dumfries and Galloway (LGBTQ Youth Scotland, 2019), whilst highlighting that more young people were out at home, school and community, noted that they continued to experience bullying, negative reactions and discrimination. There are also concerns about the consequences of ‘traditional values’, including the influence of some religious sects /denominations, can have in relation to estrangement from the family, community and peers (D’Agueli et aI., 2022).

3.3.3. Ethnicity and (international) migration

Scotland’s rural areas have become more diverse with the increasing presence of international migrants, refugees /asylum seekers and minority ethnic groups. Yet, the academic and policy-focused literature on young people’s and adults’ mobilities in rural areas barely acknowledges their presence in the context of addressing demographic challenges (Kerrigan and de Lima, 2023; Butler, 2020). Some recent exceptions include a small-scale study of European Union migrants, internal (UK) migrants and stayers in the Moray Firth area of the Scottish Highlands. This focuses on the ways in which diverse social relations develop in a context where rural communities have often been described as ‘welcoming and friendly’. The research highlights the importance of public spaces such as schools, parks and streets, as well as interest-based groups (for example, arts, outdoor activities, mother toddler groups) and family (this mainly related to ‘stayers’) as critical in developing diverse social relationships in a place (Pietka-Nykaza, 2024).^[21] The lack of research that systematically uses an intersectional lens in the design and conduct of research in the context of rural youth and adult mobilities is a barrier to developing effective policies based on diverse identities and experiences.

A study of diverse migration routes into three regions in Spain highlights the need for careful attention to differences between experiential and structural opportunities and pathways:

[Alongside] the arrival of newcomers, the shrinking areas are also benefiting from the arrival of returnees and root migrants (from both external and internal migration), who decide to return to their roots, drawn by emotional ties. These migration patterns are different, yet complementary, in terms of sustaining life in rural areas. (Alonso-Pardo et al., 2023, p.5995).

For ‘young returnees’, earlier emigration enabled them to achieve social mobility when they returned. This contrasted with the situation of ‘newcomers’ (mainly migrant workers) who were in low-paid precarious employment, with no possibilities of accessing better paid employment and limited intra- and inter-generational social mobility, resulting in a population ‘churn’ with some newcomers arriving and others leaving – i.e. temporary and circular migration. Although this may suit newcomers who are there to save and leave, it leaves little choice for those who may have wished to stay in the region.

The authors argue that the segmented labour market characterised by ‘labour precariousness’ leads to circular migration and that newcomers/migrant workers in this context are less likely to put down roots. One of the conclusions of the study is that:

Population settlement is, therefore, ‘trickle-down’, with migrants who have lived in Spain for a long time managing to settle and gradually achieve greater stability through the development of resilience strategies. (Ibid. p. 5989).

The study suggests the importance of having a clear strategy for attracting and retaining different types of migrants at the local/regional level and an acceptance that there is likely to be a churn in population over time at different stages of their life course and for different reasons. It also highlights the importance of developing a clear understanding of the diverse mobility patterns of different migrant groups and the factors that are likely to make them stay or leave as a basis for developing effective policies.

Alonso-Pardo et al highlight the important role of bridging and ‘reception initiatives’ provided by the third sector, as well as support provided by local and/or regional governments working alongside cultural/neighbourhood associations, in facilitating settlement by returnees/root migrants (i.e. those with ancestral connections/descendants of Spanish emigrants). In Galicia, for example, the autonomous regional government provided financial aid to support the initial settlement of returnees and root migrants, as well as supporting LEADER funded projects to facilitate an ‘entrepreneurial ecosystem’ in particular sectors (e.g. service and care). Collaborative initiatives between town councils and neighbourhood associations focusing on ‘integration’ of newcomers, and the use of ethnic diversity as a positive feature of a town, were also identified as important in attracting newcomers and helping them to feel settled.

3.3.4. Culture

Alonso-Pardo et al.’s study highlights the importance of cultural connections in relation to intergenerational migrants (‘root migrants’) as well as returnees, and Fielding has observed that it was rare for migration research to include culture, given the difficulties of definitions and measurement. He did, however, suggest that:

A culture which loads a high weight upon place identity would, in places where that culture was important, produce low outmigration and high return-migration; a place where such a culture was not important would have high out-migration and low return-migration. (Fielding, 1992, 203 cited in Barcus and Brunn, 2010, p.284).

Dey and Jentsch (2001) noted in their research on rural youth in Scotland that the importance of maintaining cultural traditions and values were implicit in the rural youth outmigration and retention discourses. Retention as a policy focus not only conflates the interests of young people with that of the community but is problematic in a society that emphasises the freedom of the individual to make choices and also undervalues the contribution of newcomers to rural communities.

Social and cultural characteristics of rural places can be both exacerbated by, and contribute to, youth out-migration (Budge and Shortall, 2022, Jones and Jamieson, 1997). Rural residents’ concerns about ‘cultural dilution’ have been associated with the arrival of new migrants and a desire by rural communities to maintain continuity of cultural traditions and values (Dey and Jentsch (ibid.). This concern was reflected in the YIN workshop:

Culture is really important. Our dialect is being used by less and less people (YIN participant 8)

Questions of retention and attraction are all practical problems, but the main reason you want to retain people is to retain a culture. It is much easier for people to come and go (without being lost) from a strong community (YIN participant 1)

However, the same participant went on to provide a distinction between his view of ‘incomers’ and ‘stayers’

There is a difference between someone that stays for five minutes or someone that comes to contribute (e. g. key skills) and stays for a longer time. Someone, who integrates. Affluent people coming in for second homes and treating the place like a holiday are causing communities to die. It’s not Disneyland, these are real places! (YIN participant 1).

3.3.5. Gaelic language

One aspect of the centrality of specific designated places in preserving and strengthening culture is reflected in the current Gaelic language debate in Scotland. There is an ongoing debate about policies and support for vernacular speakers, on the one hand in particular geographical areas where they are a significant proportion of the population and, on the other, in the Scottish Government’s emphasis on supporting Gaelic learners wherever they are in Scotland (Scottish Government 2022; See Appendix 1). The decline of vernacular Gaelic speakers since 1981 has been well documented. It is no longer the main language of family and community practice in regions such as the Western Isles (Ó Giollagáin et al., 2020).^[22] Scottish policies on Gaelic language have failed to stem the declining vernacular communities, ‘without a societal revival, the education system alone cannot effectively implement revitalisation efforts among the Gaelic vernacular community’ (Ó Giollagáin et al. 2020, 237; see also Ó Giollagáin et al. 2022).

Ó Giollagáin et al. argue that for the Gaelic language to survive and thrive and potentially contribute to encouraging young people and adults to stay in or move back to vernacular communities, it must be embedded in everyday social, community and economic activities and interactions. The current dominant emphasis on Gaelic-medium education amongst other sectors (e. g. Gaelic performance and the arts, and scholarship on Gaelic heritage and culture), ‘…promotes the civic appeal of the cultural assets of the declining Gaelic speaker group without protecting the group’s viability’ (ibid., p18). The ‘demise’ of the vernacular Gaelic community and the lack of intergenerational transmission of the language are attributed to a range of factors including: a failure to integrate ‘language policy and socio-economic development’ in the places where there have been significant vernacular speakers; inadequacy of public policy and lack of targeting and funding to stem the decline of vernacular Gaelic speakers; and lack of policy engagement and decision-making at the local level of existing vernacular communities in decisions related to the development of Gaelic in their communities.

3.4. Conclusion

This chapter has highlighted the importance of taking into consideration the provision and access to economic and social infrastructure as well as social and cultural differences in designing policies related to facilitating the mobility choices and decisions of those aged 16-45 years. Chapter 4 discusses specific factors that emerge as important in influencing mobility choices at particular stages of the life course.