Understanding family support needs of people in prison custody: literature review

4 - Understanding the families of people in custody

Introduction

This chapter explores the concept of family in the context of imprisonment, drawing on a range of literature to highlight the diverse ways in which family structures are defined and experienced. It examines how these definitions shape policies and support systems, particularly in relation to prison visitations and maintaining family connections.

A key focus is on the need for an inclusive understanding of family, extending beyond traditional nuclear relationships to encompass extended family, friends, and supportive peers. The chapter also reviews existing research on the impact of imprisonment on different family members, including partners, children, and siblings, as well as the specific challenges faced by families of male and female prisoners. Additionally, it highlights gaps in the literature, such as the experiences of prisoners without family support and those with protected characteristics.

Defining Families

The concept of family is multifaceted and shaped by diverse socio-cultural perspectives. Definitions of family vary across the literature reviewed, influencing policies that govern prison visitations and support systems.

Acknowledging this variability is crucial as it allows for inclusive practices that cater not only to traditional nuclear families, but also to broader networks of relationships.

Evidence from studies reviewed emphasise the importance of expanding the definition of family to encompass not just spouses and children, but also extended family members, friends and former partners. This inclusive approach emphasises holistic support for imprisoned individuals and their broader familial and social circles (Deacon, 2020; Prison Reform Trust, 2024).

The concept of ’family’ in the context of imprisonment necessitates inclusive considerations in prison policies. Evidence from the Family Learning Group at HMP Kilmarnock suggests that enriching the visiting experience involves not only partners and children, but also extending to other significant relationships like uncles and nephews (Deacon, 2020).

Research by the Prison Reform Trust ('A Long Stretch') advocates for expanding the definition of supportive relationships beyond biological family to encompass friends, ex-partners and supportive peers within prison (Prison Reform Trust, 2024). Enhancing peer support programmes is crucial for assisting individuals in custody in navigating imprisonment and preparing for reintegration into society. Additionally, addressing financial barriers such as the high costs of communication and visitation, especially for those imprisoned far from home or with family abroad, is essential (Prison Reform Trust, 2024).

Families of Male Prisoners

Scottish Prison Population Statistics 2023-24 show that the average daily population of men in custody increased by around 5.5% between 2022-23 and 2023-24, from 7,144 to 7,540.^[19]

Most of the literature reviewed on families focusses on the female partners of male prisoners and their children (e.g. McDonnell et al., 2023), rather than focussing on male partners of females in custody (although see Rees et al., 2020, below) or indeed the wider family (Tubex and Gately, 2024). This presumably is due to the fact that the prison population is made up predominantly of males.

Rarely do studies focus on fathers of prisoners: for example, several studies address the needs of mothers specifically, especially those of adolescent or young adult males (Dillavou et al., 2022; Lockwood, 2021; McCarthy and Adams, 2021).

Families of Female Prisoners

Scottish Prison Population Statistics 2023-24 show that^[20] the average daily population of women in prison increased by almost 13% in 2023-24 (from 282 in 2022-23 to 318). This is a greater rate of increase than the overall average daily prison population, although women still comprised just 4% of the prison population in 2023-24.

Bocknek at al. (2009) have noted that, when fathers are sent to prison, children are most likely to remain in the care of the mother whereas when a mother is sent to prison, children are most likely to be placed in the care of their mother’s family, often the child’s maternal grandparents. This is also noted by Burton (2012) based on international samples.

Rees et al. (2020) held focus groups with children in Wales (aged 7-18) whose mothers were imprisoned in England (there being no prisons for women in Wales). The authors concluded, (citing the Prison Reform Trust) that ‘Where mothers are imprisoned, 19 out of every 20 children are forced to leave their family home, yet local authorities do not collect routine data about the children of prisoners’.

Children of Prisoners and Siblings

Children’s experiences of parental imprisonment are under-explored, not only in Scotland but internationally (Lockwood et al., 2022). Historically, it has been estimated that 20,000-27,000 children experience the imprisonment of a parent in Scotland. However, this figure should be treated with extreme caution as it was derived from Prison Survey Data in 2010-11, and there has been no further estimates since, or reliable measure developed to date.

Few studies have incorporated views of children themselves, though there are exceptions (Flynn, 2014; Jones et al., 2013; McGinley and Jones, 2018; Raikes and Lockwood, 2011; 2019). Equally, much of the more recent literature focusses on the children of both mothers and fathers in prison, but in the past the focus has been primarily on the children of imprisoned fathers, not least perhaps because in Europe, at least 95 per cent of the prison population is male (Venema et al., 2024). However, despite some 40-50 per cent of prisoners having a ‘minor’ child or children (Venema, 2024), these children are noted in much of the literature as being subject to ‘systemic invisibility’ (Knudsen, 2018) or neglect by researchers and workers alike.

Buggy (2016) notes that children are “silent, unseen and apparently unconsidered when a sentence of imprisonment is being imposed on their parent,” and highlights that there is often little given in evidence about the children of prisoners during the legal process, except to confirm the number of children that a potential prisoner has responsibilities for. Specifically, Buggy notes that children’s “social, economic, cultural or emotional needs are rarely offered to a court for consideration when an offender is being sentenced to imprisonment.” Likewise, many countries, including Scotland, do not collect information on prisoners’ offspring and do not know the extent of adverse home circumstances (Dzierzyńska-Breś, 2017).

Children may also be more prone to behavioural and emotional disruption if a parent is imprisoned (albeit based on parental perceptions or quantitative/psychometric data) (e.g. Domżalska et al., 2022), not least if they are lied to by parents protecting them from the truth about the other parent’s imprisonment, or children themselves lying to their peers because of the fear of reprisals, stigma, etc. (Knudsen, 2018).

Evidence from a Families Outside project entitled ‘This is my story’ highlights the complex emotional landscape children navigate when a family member is imprisoned. Their experiences range from feeling relief due to reduced household conflict to deep sadness and social isolation. Practical changes at home, such as improved stability and safety, contrast with new responsibilities and financial strain. Children value support, understanding and opportunities to share their experiences and they seek practical improvements in their interaction with the imprisoned family member and their broader social environment (Families Outside, 2024c).

Extended Families

Loucks (2004) comments that extended families (including brothers/sisters and aunts/uncles) can have “a measurable impact on people’s lives.” Despite this, the literature reviewed covers less in relation to prisoners’ siblings or extended families/wider family networks, the focus almost always being on romantic/domestic partners and their immediate children. Where wider families are mentioned, this is usually in the context of grandparents acting as carers for children when their parents are sent to prison (e.g. Burton, 2012).

Again, maternal imprisonment is cited in the literature reviewed as causing comparatively more disruption to children’s caregiving arrangements, with children of female prisoners being more likely to be cared for by members of the extended family or to be taken into care (e.g. Williams et al., 2012).

There is a large body of historical research (see Dillavoue et al., 2022 for discussion) that shows that women (in particular) often form prison ‘pseudo-families’ (with fellow prisoners) as substitutes for pre-prison family relationships (specifically, pseudo-mother child relationships). This study of pseudo-families amongst females imprisoned in a women’s prison in the USA found that the make-believe relationships formed between prisoners can extend rather than replace outside family relationships, and provide additional relational support. The work showed that such families can also assist prisoners with coping with the trauma often associated with periods of imprisonment and removal from the family (Dillavou et al., 2022).

Da Cunha (2008) reveals significant negative impacts including feelings of loss for those with an imprisoned sibling. Pre-custodial conflicts and relationships continued influencing experiences. Significant negative impacts discussed include feelings of loss, sadness and anger felt by children/young people experiencing a sibling's imprisonment. The process of visiting is often described as difficult, traumatic and emotionally fraught. Damaged relationships that remain distant even post-release indicate long-term, lasting effects on individuals and the family unit (Deacon, 2022a).

Gaps in the Literature Reviewed

Carers/Care Recipients

There is nothing obvious in the literature reviewed that relates specifically to carers or care recipients (beyond parental caring responsibilities). Initiatives such as The Promise emphasise the importance of all meaningful relationships of care experienced children being maintained and nurtured (Duncan, 2020).

Prisoners without Families

There is noticeably little in the literature reviewed that focusses on ‘single’ prisoners or those without families, and nothing of relevance to the current research.

Prisoners with Protected Characteristics

There is also little in the research reviewed that specifically focusses on prisoners with protected characteristics.

Rogers (2019) carried out research with families of prisoners with learning difficulties/disabilities and on the autism spectrum. The study reports amplified lack of support for mothers of prisoners with learning disabilities and autism, including lack of access to professional support, a systemic lack of understanding of their child’s complex needs across the criminal justice system, and a lack of appropriate response to such needs.

Summary

In conclusion, the exploration of families within the context of prisons reveals intricate dynamics influenced by diverse familial compositions as in society. The literature reviewed highlights the evolving definitions of family for people in custody, advocating for inclusive definitions that recognise the significant roles played by various relationships beyond biological ties.

Moving forward, efforts to enhance support systems for families of both male and female prisoners, address financial barriers to maintaining connections and amplify voices often marginalised, such as children and extended family members, are viewed as crucial by advocacy groups in the field. This was emphasised in both the evidence review and the stakeholder engagement carried out as part of this research.